Zhirinovsky's Russian Empire
- Thread starter Pellegrino
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Thank you!
I like this timeline so far, please do some more, everday.
PART FOUR - ANARCHY REIGNS
PART FOUR - ANARCHY REIGNS
60 Minutes on CBS News - “The Madman of Moscow?” from March 13, 1994
Portions of a Mike Wallace interview with Valentin Pavlov, former Prime Minister of the Soviet Union.
Courtesy of CBS
Mike Wallace: Mr. Pavlov, let me ask you then, did you issue the order to kill Boris Yeltsin?
Valentin Pavlov: No. Absolutely not. We made no plans to harm President Yeltsin. None.
Wallace: Did you make plans to arrest him?
Pavlov: No.
Wallace: So we are to believe that you organized this coup, and yet made no arrangements to stop Boris Yeltsin?
Pavlov: We did not think we needed to arrest him, and certainly not to shoot him.
Wallace: Why not?
Pavlov: We didn’t think it was necessary.
Wallace: It seems rather incredible that you would launch this coup, make arrangements to deal with a minor political figure like Vladimir Zhirinovsky, and none for the most popular politician in Russia.
Pavlov (long pause): In hindsight we should have done things differently.
THE SOVIET CRISIS; Moscow Fears it awoke to a Nightmare
New York Times
Published: August 20, 1991
As a dozen tanks drove into Mayakovsky Square kicking up a cloud of smoke, an unnamed woman in the capital stood on the sidewalk and cried.
"I don’t know what I fear more,” the woman said, “the Stalinists, or civil war.”
The assassination of Russian president Boris Yeltsin sparked an angry and violent reaction from Yeltsin supporters in front of the White House, forcing some military units to withdraw while others turned their guns outwards in support of the pro-democracy movement.
It has led to riots in other parts of the city, although as of yet there are no reports of it spreading outside of Moscow. Opponents of the “State Committee for the State of Emergency” have seized control of Gor’kiy Park, calling it the “birthplace of the Revolution”.
Pro democracy protesters assaulted Soviet troops shortly after the assassination, looking for the shooter before converging on a young man whom they claimed had a “hot rifle”.
The young man was killed in the scuffle, prompting some Soviet units to flee, while others stayed and pledged their allegiance to the Russian Parliament.
“I will oppose anyone who comes forward and attempts to seize this building,” one young soldier yelled as he stood on his tank, “and if need be I will die for my country!”
The volatile situation at the White House has also raised questions as to who is now the new leader of the Russian SFSR. Vice President Alexander Rutskoy has yet to make any formal statement since the assassination, while deputy Mikhail Arutyunov has been seen speaking with supporters outside the White House in an attempt to rally support for the Parliament and not the Vice President. Opposition leader Vladimir Zhirinovsky has also made no statement since the coup began earlier today.
Russian President Boris Yeltsin, moments before being shot. AP
______________________________________________
THE SOVIET CRISIS; ANARCHY REIGNS AS K.G.B.-MILITARY RULERS TIGHTEN GRIP; GORBACHEV ABSENT; YELTSIN DEAD; WEST VOICES ANGER
Newsweek
Published: August 20, 1991
The engineers of President Mikhail S. Gorbachev's ouster from power moved quickly today to impose hard-line control across the nation, but the Communist Party’s grip on the nation is rapidly disappearing as more and more sections of Moscow are being taken over by rioters and opponents of the government. The coup leaders, dominated by the military and the K.G.B., banned protest meetings, closed independent newspapers and flooded the capital with troops and tanks. However, the orders were by and large ignored as Russian republic troops converged at the White House, while anti-communist protesters seized Gorky Park as well as the Moscow headquarters of the Soviet news agency TASS. A General strike was called by coal miners and auto workers in Siberia, leading to a potential violent showdown.
“I will fight to the death to stop the KGB,” one rioter at Gorky Park yelled, “and I will kill the first man wearing a red star that I see!”
“Civil war looks inevitable,” commented one American diplomat who wished to remain unnamed, “The Communist Party is split between supporters of Gorbachev and the coup. The Yeltsin supporters are split between those who support the Vice President and those that support Parliament. The military is split between those that support the coup and those that oppose it. And the Russian people are becoming more and more vocal in their opposition to the status quo.”
At least two deaths were reported, that of an unidentified soldier at the White House who was believed to be the man who fired at Yeltsin, and a Soviet soldier who was killed at a Liberal Democratic Party political rally when his unit tried to arrest LPD leader Vladimir Zhirinovsky.
Excerpts from the book “Three Days in Moscow” by Edward Ellis.
Published by Random House © 1999
Moscow, USSR. August 19, 1991. 1:33 P.M.
The impact of the assassination of President Boris Yeltsin was instantaneous and violent. Almost immediately the crowd of hundreds converged upon the troops present, who appeared as confused as they were angry.
“Most of the soldiers were supporters of the President,” Gennady Burbulis would recount, “they were just as shocked and angry at the assassination of Yeltsin as everyone else.”
A witch hunt began almost immediately as the crowd began targeting those Soviet troops who failed to show adequate shock in an attempt to locate the shooter, while other troops looked on. Pulling a young soldier from his tank, witnesses recalled the scream of “his rifle is still hot!’ from the crowd, prompting the angry mob to converge upon the young soldier. Although Soviet troops initially tried to protect the young man, when presented with the rifle (which at this point had apparently been through hundreds of hands) the Soviet troops relented, and in fact took part in the beatings.
“I think there might have been some self preservation there,” Burbulis stated, “all around them their fellow troops were either siding with the protesters or withdrawing. They were put in a tough position, give up this boy or support the coup. There was no middle ground.”
Although history would argue about the identity of the young man killed, what most historians believe is that he was not the shooter.
“Yeltsin was shot by a trained, professional sniper,” stated Burbulis, “not an eighteen year old boy who never fired a gun in his life.”
While the situation outside the White House exploded, the situation inside was not much better.
“Vice President Alexander Rutskoy had seen how the crowd turned on the soldiers and he was aghast;” commented Burbulis, “keep in mind he was a Colonel in the Air Force and had received the Hero of the Soviet Union medal. He may have opposed the coup, but what he was witnessing shocked him.”
“I can’t support this anymore,” witnesses recounted the Vice President telling those assembled. “We need to call President Yanayev and tell him we are surrendering.”
Ivanenko denies accusations over role in coup
Time Magazine
May 13, 2003
Russian billionaire and former Russian director of the KGB Victor Ivanenko again defended his role in helping put Vladimir Zhirinovsky in charge of the country during the failed 1991 coup against the Soviet president Mikhail Gorbachev. Ivanenko stepped down as president of the Russian petroleum company Yukos last month, just three months after the removal of former UIS president Vladimir Zhirinovsky. Since then he has dodged accusations of corruption during his time with Yukos, as well as questions about his role in the August 1991 coup. Ivanenko has also been attacked by leaders of the pro democracy movement like Gennady Burbulis, a former ally of Ivanenko who was with him at the White House during the coup.
“I am sick of these accusations,” Ivanenko angrily told FT, “the same people who are critical of my actions are the same ones who were crawling to Gennady Yanayev (one of the leaders of the coup) begging him for forgiveness and pledging fealty!
Ivanenko is widely cited as the man most instrumental in rallying supporters of assassinated Russian president Boris Yeltsin and pro-Gorbachev members of the Communist Party into forming a coalition in opposition to the coup, a coalition which was headed by Vladimir Zhirinovsky.
“Zhirinovsky certainly wasn’t rallying anyone during the coup,” former Russian parliamentary deputy Mikhail Arutyunov told reporters, “all he did for the first two days of the coup was sit at home and nurse his hangover.”
“Arutyunov is just bitter,” Ivanenko shot back, “he knows that after Yeltsin died, that nobody supported his attempts to proclaim himself president. He was despised by the military.”
Repeated calls have come forth calling for the arrest of the former general, who was appointed by former president Boris Yeltsin to head the KGB in 1991. Since his appointment in 1993 as vice president of the petroleum company Yukos, Ivanenko has amassed a personal fortune of over one billion USD, making him the second richest man in Russia. He appeared on the Forbes list of the world’s richest men, and for much of his career with Yukos enjoyed a reputation as one of the heroes of the revolution. However, as the controversial UIS President’s reign collapsed earlier this year, Ivanenko has found himself under increased criticism over his role in the revolution.
“He was the man who picked Zhirinovsky,” Arutyunov said, “he was the man who hobbled that coalition together and gave our country to that madman.”
However, others feel that Ivanenko was backed into a corner on August 20th 1991, when he contacted Zhirinovsky.
“The man who is most responsible for Vladimir Zhirinovsky being named president of Russia is not General Ivanenko,” commented former Ivanenko aid Sergei Filatov, “the man who put Vladimir Zhirinovsky in charge was vice president Alexander Rutskoy when he refused to be sworn in!”
The alleged shooter, pulled from his tank.
Three Days in Moscow by Edward Ellis
(c) 1999 Random House
60 Minutes on CBS News - “The Madman of Moscow?” from March 13, 1994
Portions of a Mike Wallace interview with Valentin Pavlov, former Prime Minister of the Soviet Union.
Courtesy of CBS
Mike Wallace: Mr. Pavlov, let me ask you then, did you issue the order to kill Boris Yeltsin?
Valentin Pavlov: No. Absolutely not. We made no plans to harm President Yeltsin. None.
Wallace: Did you make plans to arrest him?
Pavlov: No.
Wallace: So we are to believe that you organized this coup, and yet made no arrangements to stop Boris Yeltsin?
Pavlov: We did not think we needed to arrest him, and certainly not to shoot him.
Wallace: Why not?
Pavlov: We didn’t think it was necessary.
Wallace: It seems rather incredible that you would launch this coup, make arrangements to deal with a minor political figure like Vladimir Zhirinovsky, and none for the most popular politician in Russia.
Pavlov (long pause): In hindsight we should have done things differently.
THE SOVIET CRISIS; Moscow Fears it awoke to a Nightmare
New York Times
Published: August 20, 1991
As a dozen tanks drove into Mayakovsky Square kicking up a cloud of smoke, an unnamed woman in the capital stood on the sidewalk and cried.
"I don’t know what I fear more,” the woman said, “the Stalinists, or civil war.”
The assassination of Russian president Boris Yeltsin sparked an angry and violent reaction from Yeltsin supporters in front of the White House, forcing some military units to withdraw while others turned their guns outwards in support of the pro-democracy movement.
It has led to riots in other parts of the city, although as of yet there are no reports of it spreading outside of Moscow. Opponents of the “State Committee for the State of Emergency” have seized control of Gor’kiy Park, calling it the “birthplace of the Revolution”.
Pro democracy protesters assaulted Soviet troops shortly after the assassination, looking for the shooter before converging on a young man whom they claimed had a “hot rifle”.
The young man was killed in the scuffle, prompting some Soviet units to flee, while others stayed and pledged their allegiance to the Russian Parliament.
“I will oppose anyone who comes forward and attempts to seize this building,” one young soldier yelled as he stood on his tank, “and if need be I will die for my country!”
The volatile situation at the White House has also raised questions as to who is now the new leader of the Russian SFSR. Vice President Alexander Rutskoy has yet to make any formal statement since the assassination, while deputy Mikhail Arutyunov has been seen speaking with supporters outside the White House in an attempt to rally support for the Parliament and not the Vice President. Opposition leader Vladimir Zhirinovsky has also made no statement since the coup began earlier today.
Russian President Boris Yeltsin, moments before being shot. AP
______________________________________________
THE SOVIET CRISIS; ANARCHY REIGNS AS K.G.B.-MILITARY RULERS TIGHTEN GRIP; GORBACHEV ABSENT; YELTSIN DEAD; WEST VOICES ANGER
Newsweek
Published: August 20, 1991
The engineers of President Mikhail S. Gorbachev's ouster from power moved quickly today to impose hard-line control across the nation, but the Communist Party’s grip on the nation is rapidly disappearing as more and more sections of Moscow are being taken over by rioters and opponents of the government. The coup leaders, dominated by the military and the K.G.B., banned protest meetings, closed independent newspapers and flooded the capital with troops and tanks. However, the orders were by and large ignored as Russian republic troops converged at the White House, while anti-communist protesters seized Gorky Park as well as the Moscow headquarters of the Soviet news agency TASS. A General strike was called by coal miners and auto workers in Siberia, leading to a potential violent showdown.
“I will fight to the death to stop the KGB,” one rioter at Gorky Park yelled, “and I will kill the first man wearing a red star that I see!”
“Civil war looks inevitable,” commented one American diplomat who wished to remain unnamed, “The Communist Party is split between supporters of Gorbachev and the coup. The Yeltsin supporters are split between those who support the Vice President and those that support Parliament. The military is split between those that support the coup and those that oppose it. And the Russian people are becoming more and more vocal in their opposition to the status quo.”
At least two deaths were reported, that of an unidentified soldier at the White House who was believed to be the man who fired at Yeltsin, and a Soviet soldier who was killed at a Liberal Democratic Party political rally when his unit tried to arrest LPD leader Vladimir Zhirinovsky.
Excerpts from the book “Three Days in Moscow” by Edward Ellis.
Published by Random House © 1999
Moscow, USSR. August 19, 1991. 1:33 P.M.
The impact of the assassination of President Boris Yeltsin was instantaneous and violent. Almost immediately the crowd of hundreds converged upon the troops present, who appeared as confused as they were angry.
“Most of the soldiers were supporters of the President,” Gennady Burbulis would recount, “they were just as shocked and angry at the assassination of Yeltsin as everyone else.”
A witch hunt began almost immediately as the crowd began targeting those Soviet troops who failed to show adequate shock in an attempt to locate the shooter, while other troops looked on. Pulling a young soldier from his tank, witnesses recalled the scream of “his rifle is still hot!’ from the crowd, prompting the angry mob to converge upon the young soldier. Although Soviet troops initially tried to protect the young man, when presented with the rifle (which at this point had apparently been through hundreds of hands) the Soviet troops relented, and in fact took part in the beatings.
“I think there might have been some self preservation there,” Burbulis stated, “all around them their fellow troops were either siding with the protesters or withdrawing. They were put in a tough position, give up this boy or support the coup. There was no middle ground.”
Although history would argue about the identity of the young man killed, what most historians believe is that he was not the shooter.
“Yeltsin was shot by a trained, professional sniper,” stated Burbulis, “not an eighteen year old boy who never fired a gun in his life.”
While the situation outside the White House exploded, the situation inside was not much better.
“Vice President Alexander Rutskoy had seen how the crowd turned on the soldiers and he was aghast;” commented Burbulis, “keep in mind he was a Colonel in the Air Force and had received the Hero of the Soviet Union medal. He may have opposed the coup, but what he was witnessing shocked him.”
“I can’t support this anymore,” witnesses recounted the Vice President telling those assembled. “We need to call President Yanayev and tell him we are surrendering.”
Ivanenko denies accusations over role in coup
Time Magazine
May 13, 2003
Russian billionaire and former Russian director of the KGB Victor Ivanenko again defended his role in helping put Vladimir Zhirinovsky in charge of the country during the failed 1991 coup against the Soviet president Mikhail Gorbachev. Ivanenko stepped down as president of the Russian petroleum company Yukos last month, just three months after the removal of former UIS president Vladimir Zhirinovsky. Since then he has dodged accusations of corruption during his time with Yukos, as well as questions about his role in the August 1991 coup. Ivanenko has also been attacked by leaders of the pro democracy movement like Gennady Burbulis, a former ally of Ivanenko who was with him at the White House during the coup.
“I am sick of these accusations,” Ivanenko angrily told FT, “the same people who are critical of my actions are the same ones who were crawling to Gennady Yanayev (one of the leaders of the coup) begging him for forgiveness and pledging fealty!
Ivanenko is widely cited as the man most instrumental in rallying supporters of assassinated Russian president Boris Yeltsin and pro-Gorbachev members of the Communist Party into forming a coalition in opposition to the coup, a coalition which was headed by Vladimir Zhirinovsky.
“Zhirinovsky certainly wasn’t rallying anyone during the coup,” former Russian parliamentary deputy Mikhail Arutyunov told reporters, “all he did for the first two days of the coup was sit at home and nurse his hangover.”
“Arutyunov is just bitter,” Ivanenko shot back, “he knows that after Yeltsin died, that nobody supported his attempts to proclaim himself president. He was despised by the military.”
Repeated calls have come forth calling for the arrest of the former general, who was appointed by former president Boris Yeltsin to head the KGB in 1991. Since his appointment in 1993 as vice president of the petroleum company Yukos, Ivanenko has amassed a personal fortune of over one billion USD, making him the second richest man in Russia. He appeared on the Forbes list of the world’s richest men, and for much of his career with Yukos enjoyed a reputation as one of the heroes of the revolution. However, as the controversial UIS President’s reign collapsed earlier this year, Ivanenko has found himself under increased criticism over his role in the revolution.
“He was the man who picked Zhirinovsky,” Arutyunov said, “he was the man who hobbled that coalition together and gave our country to that madman.”
However, others feel that Ivanenko was backed into a corner on August 20th 1991, when he contacted Zhirinovsky.
“The man who is most responsible for Vladimir Zhirinovsky being named president of Russia is not General Ivanenko,” commented former Ivanenko aid Sergei Filatov, “the man who put Vladimir Zhirinovsky in charge was vice president Alexander Rutskoy when he refused to be sworn in!”
The alleged shooter, pulled from his tank.
Three Days in Moscow by Edward Ellis
(c) 1999 Random House
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Very nice TL in the works here! I'd like to see how it develops...
Also, very interested in your super-Tajikistan, especially since I'm headed there in a few months. Love to see if it's any nicer than what we have in OTL...
Also, very interested in your super-Tajikistan, especially since I'm headed there in a few months. Love to see if it's any nicer than what we have in OTL...
For the clever Daily Show vignette alone it shows that you have a way of world-building. This looks great. My only comment is that Jon Huntsman is China specialist, which would make him unlikely as ambassador to Russia. Unfortunately, I don't have an alternative to suggest, unless either McCain or Palin for different reasons of dystopian irony.
Well at least Yeltsin got what he deserved.
Through the idea that there is no other alternative to Zhirinovsky is hard to swallow, also without Yeltsin the coup plotters. Cack-handed as they were will get a major boost.
I also think the protesters are being portrayed as too anti-Soviet. In fact they had no real coherent ideals they were testing the limits of their new freedoms and mostly were just pissed at the failure of the regime under Gorbachev, rather than anything that took place before.
Which is how a immora,l drunken monster like Yeltsin, was able to cynically seize power in Russia for himself.
Through the idea that there is no other alternative to Zhirinovsky is hard to swallow, also without Yeltsin the coup plotters. Cack-handed as they were will get a major boost.
I also think the protesters are being portrayed as too anti-Soviet. In fact they had no real coherent ideals they were testing the limits of their new freedoms and mostly were just pissed at the failure of the regime under Gorbachev, rather than anything that took place before.
Which is how a immora,l drunken monster like Yeltsin, was able to cynically seize power in Russia for himself.
That was right after the NATO led war with Serbia over Kosovo. The question in this TL is does NATO go to war in Kosovo with Zhirinovsky in control of Russia?
Agreed. I was sort of torn on that as well since you are correct, Huntsman is a China expert. But I was blanking out on a good name for a Russian ambassador and I decided to select Huntsman based on his prior experience as ambassador to China, which would have given him more experience as ambassador to a major nuclear power that might give him the edge here.
Very, very soon. I know that if I don't set up a very solid explanation as to how Zhirinovsky takes control, then I run the risk of turning this into an ASB timeline really quick. It would be very difficult for Zhirinovsky to take control in Russia, but I think I've layed a good foundation for that so far:
1. The failed attempt to arrest him turns him into a hero of the revolution by mistake. Thus he no longer is burden with the support of the coup from OTL that burdens him in his political career.
2. The death of Yeltsin creates a power vaccum that General Ivanenko is desperate to fill ASAP.
3. In this scenario, Zhirinovsky seems almost like a reasonable choice. Yeltsin was an independent who received the support of "Democratic Russia" in the 1991 presidential election. When Rutskoy starts backing the coup, Democratic Russia becomes desperate for another choice. But Zhirinovsky is the one person who both DR and the KGB/Military would support (perhaps the KGB knows something about him that the rest of us don't?)
Very good point. But keep in mind, that the reports of anti-Soviet protest come from the western media. Without giving away too much for future post, the western media desperatly wants this to be a pro-democratic movement, and in Zhirinovsky's early months of rule give him a great deal of latitude because of the simple fact that he is not a Communist. The riots are mostly just angry at tthe "status quo" as Jack Matlock says. Most supported Yeltsin, but with him dead the movement gets torn apart in varios directions, including a small numer of protesters who take advantage of the opportunity to condemn the Communist party for the first time ever.
As for the emergence of Zhirinovsky as leader of the coalition, well, as we start to see you are right in the fact that the coup gets a boost from the announcment of Yeltsin's assasination. The coup plotters seem to get a huge boost when Russian VP Rutskoy decides to support the coup. We will see a power struggle in the next post between Rutskoy and Mikhail Arutyunov where the military and KGB factions that want to oppose the coup simply cannot support Arutyunov, forcing General Ivanenko to find someone who can get the support of both the Communist and the Democratic Russia.
PART FIVE - KINGMAKER OF THE COUP
PART FIVE - KINGMAKER OF THE COUP
60 Minutes on CBS News - “The Madman of Moscow ?” from March 13, 1994
Portions of a Mike Wallace interview with Valentin Pavlov, former Prime Minister of the Soviet Union.
Courtesy of CBS
Mike Wallace: Mr. Pavlov, I want to ask you another question. Did the “State Committee for the State of Emergency” encourage the rioters to act with increasing violence on the night of August 19th?
Valentin Pavlov: That is ridiculous. Of course not!
Wallace: So the statement made by then head of the KGB, Vladimir Kryuchkov, was untrue.
Pavlov: I am not familiar with what statement you are referring to?
Wallace: Let me refresh your memory Mr. Pavlov-
(Wallace picks up a sheet of paper and begins reading from it)
Wallace: This was what Mr. Kryuchkov said during his trial last year, and I quote: “We decided unanimously not to engage the rioters. The riots had a tremendous effect in eliciting fear in those members of the military that were still undecided. We knew that the longer the riots continued, the less credibility Mikhail Arutyunov had, and the more likely it was that the military would side with us.” Is this statement untrue?
Pavlov: It is a bit more complex, we were giving Russian Vice President Alexander Rutskoy every opportunity to restore order in the areas under his control and not to interfere.
Wallace: So the statement made by Mr. Kyuchlov that you purposely let the Moscow riots continue through the night are true?
Pavlov (long pause): We perhaps showed more restraint than we should have.
UIS Presidential Candidate Vladimir Putin in an interview with the BBC on August 1, 2011.
Discussing his controversial decision to remain neutral during the August 1991 coup.
Putin: Initially, when General Ivanenko contacted me, I was very supportive of President Yeltsin. In fact, I had intended to resign my position with the KGB that day. However, when Yeltsin was killed there was chaos. Nobody knew who was in charge of the country or even who was in charge of the opposition. And then the riots started. I have never seen such lawlessness in my life as I did in the streets of Moscow on the night of August 19th. Some of the rioters were looting and attacking anyone and anything associated with the Communist Party, others were targeting minorities. I saw one group of young men parading around through the streets chanting racist, fascist slogans! Never would I have imagined such a thing was possible in Moscow! I may have opposed the coup, but I couldn’t support this lawlessness. As a result, when I was contacted by General Ivanenko on the second day of the coup, I told him that, although I refused to support the coup, that I couldn’t back Alexander Rutskoy until he took control of the situation.
“My Russia- An Autobiography by former Russian Prime Minister Gennady Burbulis”
Published by Interbook, © 1998
CHAPTER FOUR
As Aleksandr Korzhakov and I carried Yeltsin’s dead body back into the White House I heard the pandemonium outside. But what could we do? I still hoped he could be saved, but Korzhakov knew that it was hopeless. Still, I never thought of trying to seize the leadership or anything like that. How could I? I knew that Vice President Rutskoy was the new President, and I assumed he would continue to stand for the Russian people. I suppose I was naïve, but I never would have guessed that Rutskoy would betray the memory of President Yeltsin in such a way. In that sense, Mikhail Arutyunov was very clever. He was standing right behind Yeltsin when he was shot. He was covered with his blood. Yet he never stepped down. He stood there and spoke to the people, promising that though Yeltsin may have fallen that there would be others who would stand in his place, others who would continue to fight for justice, and others who would give their lives for their country. I am sure it was very powerful. Imagine, a man whose suit is covered in blood, standing next to the fallen Yeltsin, challenging the shooter to strike him down as well?
It wasn’t that I was frightened. To be honest, I just wanted to get Yeltsin inside, to a doctor. I still clung the hope that he could be saved. Perhaps had I stayed with Mikhail, things would have been different. I suppose to some I looked like a coward while Arutyunov looked like a hero. But I was trying to save my President!
When we got into my office we all gathered around to discuss what we were going to do next. We all were concerned about what the GKChP would do to us if we failed. We had no question that they were responsible for the murder of our President. But in that moment I never considered surrendering. I was prepared to fight!
“Mr. President,” Korzhakov said to Vice President Rutskoy, “I think we need to swear you into office.”
At that moment I realized what a mistake it was for President Yeltsin to select such a man as Vice President. He only chose him so that the hard liners would not become too frightened at an “independent” becoming president of Russia. He never had the support of the Democratic Russia coalition and he certainly didn’t have the support of the Russian people. He just stood there, looking at Yeltsin’s body.
“I think it is premature,” he said, “until we figure out who is in charge of the country.”
I was shocked! He was afraid to take any action that could be seen as treason by the GKChP! He was trying to play his cards perfectly, at the expense of our nation!
“Fine!” Yuri Luzhkov, the deputy mayor of Moscow shot back, “Gennady Burbulis is Secretary of State. He will take over as president!”
I couldn’t believe what I was hearing. Just twenty minutes ago we were all in agreement, all supporting our President. Now we were arguing like bitter enemies and I was being thrust into the presidency!
“Wait a second,” Korzhakov said as he stood up, “where is Arutyunov?”
From CNN’s twenty-four episode television documentary Cold War.
© 1998
Courtesy of CNN
Episode 24: “Conclusions”
Former NBC Moscow reporter Bob Abernethy:
“In the end, the Soviet Union may have survived as a unified Communist country after the assassination of Yeltsin had Mikhail Arutyunov, Gennady Burbulis and Alexander Rutskoy been willing to compromise. Once it became clear that Arutyunov had usurped the support of the “protesters” outside the White House, it put the pro-democratic forces in disarray. Burbulis had some legal claim to the presidency since he was the Secretary of State. Arutyunov really didn’t have any claim, other than his popularity on the streets. But inside the government and the military, he was seen, unfairly, as leading something of a second coup, trying to seize power for himself. And when it came to Arutyunov and Rutskoy, both men despised each other. In the grab for power on August 19th and 20th, both were both embracing increasingly extreme positions that had the effect of tearing the opposition apart. Rutskoy wanted to end the protest and work with the “State Committee for the State of Emergency” through dialogue, which for many Yeltsin supporters was seen as capitulation. Arutyunov wanted to issue an ultimatum: release Gorbachev or Russia would declare unilateral independence from the Soviet Union. This was seen by other Yeltsin supporters as treason. Neither side was willing to compromise and defer to Burbulis, who was probably the last man who could have held the coalition together. And perhaps more importantly, neither seemed willing to address the growing lawlessness and extremism of the rioters on the street. This was something that worried General Ivanenko, who at that point had become the de facto power broker of the fragile coalition.
Excerpts from the book “Three Days in Moscow” by Edward Ellis.
Published by Random House © 1999
Moscow, USSR. August 19, 1991. 11:55 P.M.
As the riots in the streets of Moscow became increasingly violent, neither Vice President Alexander Rutskoy nor the leaders of the GKChP seemed willing or able to deal with the increasing lawlessness. Most historians feel that the failure to address the riot was prompted by strategic reasons.
“Tragically, too many people considered the riots something that could be exploited to their benefit,” commented former US Ambassador Jack Matlock, “the GKChP figured it would frighten opponents in the military into getting off the fence. Vice President Rutskoy figured that the longer the riots went on the more it weakened Mikhail Arutyunov, the man who was emerging as his chief rival for head of the Yeltsin government. And Arutyunov figured that the longer the riots went on the more it would embolden the Russian people. Oddly enough, all three were correct.”
"Kingmaker of the Coup"
Foreign Affairs (2/22/10)
by Victor Ivanenko and Mary Kerr
For the first time, Boris Yeltsin's former right-hand man tells the inside story of the coup that destroyed the Soviet Union-- and changed the world.
It was the morning of Aug. 20th, 1991, and the Russian Vice President was standing near a window of the White House watching the most destructive night of lawlessness since the Great Patriotic War, yet he still refused to order any troops to quell the violence.
“We will ride this out,” he told General Victor Ivanenko, “but we cannot be seen as trying to usurp the authority of the President of the Soviet Union.”
His chief rival for the leadership of the Russian government was on the streets, rallying supporters with increasingly incendiary proclamations, telling those on the street that if the coup plotters did not abandon the plot to overthrow Soviet President Gorbachev that he would support a unilateral declaration of independence.
“These two men are going to pull this entire country into anarchy waiting for the other one to blink,” Ivanenko thought to himself, “and I can’t count on the support of the military with this going on.”
For General Ivanenko, the night proved to be disastrous for his loosely assembled coalition. Almost immediately he was able to garner support from large portions of the military and KGB, but as the night went on and the violence grew worse, those same supporters were abandoning him to support the coup.
“Nobody wanted to see the Soviet Union dissolved,” Ivanenko said, “so every time Mikhail Arutyunov opened his mouth I would lose a hundred supporters. And since Vice President Rutskoy was indicating a desire to work with the “State Committee for the State of Emergency”, every second he didn’t open his mouth I would lose another hundred.”
As the coalition stood on the brink of collapse on the morning of August 20th, he tried one last time to reason with the Vice President.
“Mr. President,” Ivanenko said as he put down the phone, “you need to come up with a strategy.”
“I am not president,” Rutskoy coldly responded, “and I will move once that cackling baboon shuts up.”
“I understand your concern, but if this riot is not contained, it may spiral out of control,” Ivanenko responded, “already we are getting reports of riots starting in Leningrad and Kiev.”
Rutskoy said nothing as he stared at his rival through the window. Standing on a tank, Arutyunov was speaking to what appeared to be a crowd of at least ten thousand.
“He is signing his own death warrant,” Rutskoy responded, “If Gennady Yanayev refuses to sign it then I will myself.”
“Mr. Vice President, perhaps we can sign over authority to Secretary of State, Ivanenko said, pointing to Gennady Burbulis. “He has said nothing about Russian independence. At least until your formal swearing in after this matter between Gorbachev and Yanayev is worked out.”
The Vice President said nothing, choosing to ignore the statement. General Ivanenko recognized it was hopeless. He then walked over to the Secretary of State, who also recognized the growing hopelessness of the situation.
“Mr. Secretary of State,” Ivanenko asked, “are you willing to assume the office of the presidency?”
Burbulis looked up at Ivanenko with a defeated glance, “Victor, I’m sorry. But it’s over. The Democratic Russia Coalition doesn’t support the Vice President, and the military doesn’t support me. The only way you can stop the coup is to find someone they both can support. That’s not me. Thanks to Arutyunov, I don’t think that anyone in this building will suffice.”
The General knew that Burbulis was correct. The proclamations of Arutyunov created an aura of extremism that had galvanized the people and the military. It was at this moment that he chose to make the most controversial decision of his life; one that continues to haunt him to this date. Walking back over to the phone, he sat down and dialed a number that he never believed he would have to call.
“Can I please speak with Vladimir Zhirinovsky?”
60 Minutes on CBS News - “The Madman of Moscow ?” from March 13, 1994
Portions of a Mike Wallace interview with Valentin Pavlov, former Prime Minister of the Soviet Union.
Courtesy of CBS
Mike Wallace: Mr. Pavlov, I want to ask you another question. Did the “State Committee for the State of Emergency” encourage the rioters to act with increasing violence on the night of August 19th?
Valentin Pavlov: That is ridiculous. Of course not!
Wallace: So the statement made by then head of the KGB, Vladimir Kryuchkov, was untrue.
Pavlov: I am not familiar with what statement you are referring to?
Wallace: Let me refresh your memory Mr. Pavlov-
(Wallace picks up a sheet of paper and begins reading from it)
Wallace: This was what Mr. Kryuchkov said during his trial last year, and I quote: “We decided unanimously not to engage the rioters. The riots had a tremendous effect in eliciting fear in those members of the military that were still undecided. We knew that the longer the riots continued, the less credibility Mikhail Arutyunov had, and the more likely it was that the military would side with us.” Is this statement untrue?
Pavlov: It is a bit more complex, we were giving Russian Vice President Alexander Rutskoy every opportunity to restore order in the areas under his control and not to interfere.
Wallace: So the statement made by Mr. Kyuchlov that you purposely let the Moscow riots continue through the night are true?
Pavlov (long pause): We perhaps showed more restraint than we should have.
UIS Presidential Candidate Vladimir Putin in an interview with the BBC on August 1, 2011.
Discussing his controversial decision to remain neutral during the August 1991 coup.
Putin: Initially, when General Ivanenko contacted me, I was very supportive of President Yeltsin. In fact, I had intended to resign my position with the KGB that day. However, when Yeltsin was killed there was chaos. Nobody knew who was in charge of the country or even who was in charge of the opposition. And then the riots started. I have never seen such lawlessness in my life as I did in the streets of Moscow on the night of August 19th. Some of the rioters were looting and attacking anyone and anything associated with the Communist Party, others were targeting minorities. I saw one group of young men parading around through the streets chanting racist, fascist slogans! Never would I have imagined such a thing was possible in Moscow! I may have opposed the coup, but I couldn’t support this lawlessness. As a result, when I was contacted by General Ivanenko on the second day of the coup, I told him that, although I refused to support the coup, that I couldn’t back Alexander Rutskoy until he took control of the situation.
“My Russia- An Autobiography by former Russian Prime Minister Gennady Burbulis”
Published by Interbook, © 1998
CHAPTER FOUR
As Aleksandr Korzhakov and I carried Yeltsin’s dead body back into the White House I heard the pandemonium outside. But what could we do? I still hoped he could be saved, but Korzhakov knew that it was hopeless. Still, I never thought of trying to seize the leadership or anything like that. How could I? I knew that Vice President Rutskoy was the new President, and I assumed he would continue to stand for the Russian people. I suppose I was naïve, but I never would have guessed that Rutskoy would betray the memory of President Yeltsin in such a way. In that sense, Mikhail Arutyunov was very clever. He was standing right behind Yeltsin when he was shot. He was covered with his blood. Yet he never stepped down. He stood there and spoke to the people, promising that though Yeltsin may have fallen that there would be others who would stand in his place, others who would continue to fight for justice, and others who would give their lives for their country. I am sure it was very powerful. Imagine, a man whose suit is covered in blood, standing next to the fallen Yeltsin, challenging the shooter to strike him down as well?
It wasn’t that I was frightened. To be honest, I just wanted to get Yeltsin inside, to a doctor. I still clung the hope that he could be saved. Perhaps had I stayed with Mikhail, things would have been different. I suppose to some I looked like a coward while Arutyunov looked like a hero. But I was trying to save my President!
When we got into my office we all gathered around to discuss what we were going to do next. We all were concerned about what the GKChP would do to us if we failed. We had no question that they were responsible for the murder of our President. But in that moment I never considered surrendering. I was prepared to fight!
“Mr. President,” Korzhakov said to Vice President Rutskoy, “I think we need to swear you into office.”
At that moment I realized what a mistake it was for President Yeltsin to select such a man as Vice President. He only chose him so that the hard liners would not become too frightened at an “independent” becoming president of Russia. He never had the support of the Democratic Russia coalition and he certainly didn’t have the support of the Russian people. He just stood there, looking at Yeltsin’s body.
“I think it is premature,” he said, “until we figure out who is in charge of the country.”
I was shocked! He was afraid to take any action that could be seen as treason by the GKChP! He was trying to play his cards perfectly, at the expense of our nation!
“Fine!” Yuri Luzhkov, the deputy mayor of Moscow shot back, “Gennady Burbulis is Secretary of State. He will take over as president!”
I couldn’t believe what I was hearing. Just twenty minutes ago we were all in agreement, all supporting our President. Now we were arguing like bitter enemies and I was being thrust into the presidency!
“Wait a second,” Korzhakov said as he stood up, “where is Arutyunov?”
From CNN’s twenty-four episode television documentary Cold War.
© 1998
Courtesy of CNN
Episode 24: “Conclusions”
Former NBC Moscow reporter Bob Abernethy:
“In the end, the Soviet Union may have survived as a unified Communist country after the assassination of Yeltsin had Mikhail Arutyunov, Gennady Burbulis and Alexander Rutskoy been willing to compromise. Once it became clear that Arutyunov had usurped the support of the “protesters” outside the White House, it put the pro-democratic forces in disarray. Burbulis had some legal claim to the presidency since he was the Secretary of State. Arutyunov really didn’t have any claim, other than his popularity on the streets. But inside the government and the military, he was seen, unfairly, as leading something of a second coup, trying to seize power for himself. And when it came to Arutyunov and Rutskoy, both men despised each other. In the grab for power on August 19th and 20th, both were both embracing increasingly extreme positions that had the effect of tearing the opposition apart. Rutskoy wanted to end the protest and work with the “State Committee for the State of Emergency” through dialogue, which for many Yeltsin supporters was seen as capitulation. Arutyunov wanted to issue an ultimatum: release Gorbachev or Russia would declare unilateral independence from the Soviet Union. This was seen by other Yeltsin supporters as treason. Neither side was willing to compromise and defer to Burbulis, who was probably the last man who could have held the coalition together. And perhaps more importantly, neither seemed willing to address the growing lawlessness and extremism of the rioters on the street. This was something that worried General Ivanenko, who at that point had become the de facto power broker of the fragile coalition.
Excerpts from the book “Three Days in Moscow” by Edward Ellis.
Published by Random House © 1999
Moscow, USSR. August 19, 1991. 11:55 P.M.
As the riots in the streets of Moscow became increasingly violent, neither Vice President Alexander Rutskoy nor the leaders of the GKChP seemed willing or able to deal with the increasing lawlessness. Most historians feel that the failure to address the riot was prompted by strategic reasons.
“Tragically, too many people considered the riots something that could be exploited to their benefit,” commented former US Ambassador Jack Matlock, “the GKChP figured it would frighten opponents in the military into getting off the fence. Vice President Rutskoy figured that the longer the riots went on the more it weakened Mikhail Arutyunov, the man who was emerging as his chief rival for head of the Yeltsin government. And Arutyunov figured that the longer the riots went on the more it would embolden the Russian people. Oddly enough, all three were correct.”
"Kingmaker of the Coup"
Foreign Affairs (2/22/10)
by Victor Ivanenko and Mary Kerr
For the first time, Boris Yeltsin's former right-hand man tells the inside story of the coup that destroyed the Soviet Union-- and changed the world.
It was the morning of Aug. 20th, 1991, and the Russian Vice President was standing near a window of the White House watching the most destructive night of lawlessness since the Great Patriotic War, yet he still refused to order any troops to quell the violence.
“We will ride this out,” he told General Victor Ivanenko, “but we cannot be seen as trying to usurp the authority of the President of the Soviet Union.”
His chief rival for the leadership of the Russian government was on the streets, rallying supporters with increasingly incendiary proclamations, telling those on the street that if the coup plotters did not abandon the plot to overthrow Soviet President Gorbachev that he would support a unilateral declaration of independence.
“These two men are going to pull this entire country into anarchy waiting for the other one to blink,” Ivanenko thought to himself, “and I can’t count on the support of the military with this going on.”
For General Ivanenko, the night proved to be disastrous for his loosely assembled coalition. Almost immediately he was able to garner support from large portions of the military and KGB, but as the night went on and the violence grew worse, those same supporters were abandoning him to support the coup.
“Nobody wanted to see the Soviet Union dissolved,” Ivanenko said, “so every time Mikhail Arutyunov opened his mouth I would lose a hundred supporters. And since Vice President Rutskoy was indicating a desire to work with the “State Committee for the State of Emergency”, every second he didn’t open his mouth I would lose another hundred.”
As the coalition stood on the brink of collapse on the morning of August 20th, he tried one last time to reason with the Vice President.
“Mr. President,” Ivanenko said as he put down the phone, “you need to come up with a strategy.”
“I am not president,” Rutskoy coldly responded, “and I will move once that cackling baboon shuts up.”
“I understand your concern, but if this riot is not contained, it may spiral out of control,” Ivanenko responded, “already we are getting reports of riots starting in Leningrad and Kiev.”
Rutskoy said nothing as he stared at his rival through the window. Standing on a tank, Arutyunov was speaking to what appeared to be a crowd of at least ten thousand.
“He is signing his own death warrant,” Rutskoy responded, “If Gennady Yanayev refuses to sign it then I will myself.”
“Mr. Vice President, perhaps we can sign over authority to Secretary of State, Ivanenko said, pointing to Gennady Burbulis. “He has said nothing about Russian independence. At least until your formal swearing in after this matter between Gorbachev and Yanayev is worked out.”
The Vice President said nothing, choosing to ignore the statement. General Ivanenko recognized it was hopeless. He then walked over to the Secretary of State, who also recognized the growing hopelessness of the situation.
“Mr. Secretary of State,” Ivanenko asked, “are you willing to assume the office of the presidency?”
Burbulis looked up at Ivanenko with a defeated glance, “Victor, I’m sorry. But it’s over. The Democratic Russia Coalition doesn’t support the Vice President, and the military doesn’t support me. The only way you can stop the coup is to find someone they both can support. That’s not me. Thanks to Arutyunov, I don’t think that anyone in this building will suffice.”
The General knew that Burbulis was correct. The proclamations of Arutyunov created an aura of extremism that had galvanized the people and the military. It was at this moment that he chose to make the most controversial decision of his life; one that continues to haunt him to this date. Walking back over to the phone, he sat down and dialed a number that he never believed he would have to call.
“Can I please speak with Vladimir Zhirinovsky?”
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Some background info
I know some of these names start blending into each other, so I created a brief OTL bio on some of the major characters so far and there backgrounds. I have some major developments coming in the next few post that will start involving the other Republics as well as our first indication of what is going on in Yugoslavia...
Gennady Yanayev
The former VP under Gorbachev who was one of the leaders of the failed August coup.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gennady_Yanayev
Valentin Pavlov
Former PM of the Soviet Union who was part of the failed August coup.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Valentin_Pavlov
Valentin Varennikov
A general who supported the coup in OTL. He was the only one who refused amnesty, and after his trial emerged as somewhat of a sympathetic figure. He was a sdtrong admirer of Stalin and spoke highly of Putin. I figured he was the one person with the "committee" in this ATL who might have rocked the boat when it came to Zhirinovsky and moved to arrest him.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Valentin_Varennikov
Jack Matlock
Former US Ambassador Jack Matlock
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jack_F._Matlock,_Jr.
Alexander Rutskoy
(VP of Russia from 1991-1993). Was part of the 1993 attempted coup against Yeltsin, so his loyalties to Boris were strained at best. He was widely seen in OTL as a hardliner who was selected to round out the ticket.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Alexander_Rutskoy
Gennady Burbulis
(SOS of Russia under Yeltsin, became one of the more reform minded politicians in Russia over the next 10 years)
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gennady_Burbulis
Mikhail Arutyunov
(had a major rift with Yeltsin over Russia’s involvement in the Chechen war in OTL and resigned, was perhaps the most reform minded politician in Russia in 1991). About him:
Mikhail Arutyunov only stayed in politics for a few more years after 1991. He strongly opposed the first Chechen War, and became utterly disillusioned with the new Russia he had helped to build. He watched, helpless, as oligarchs and corrupt officials replaced Communist Party members as the country's new elite.
"What we have ended up with is what we were fighting against at the time," he says. "The population is separating into the extremely poor and the extremely rich. Unfortunately our people have always been very passive except at critical moments."
He predicts that Russia's days of revolution are not yet over, "I think that what is happening now will eventually lead to another wave of anger."
http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-europe-14589691
Viktor Ivanenko,
The former head of the Russian KGB, who becomes kingmaker in this TL, ended up in OTL becoming “filthy rich”. He still ends up one of the richest men in Russia in this ATL, but becomes more of a lightning rod of controversy that leads to his resignation as head of Yukos in 2003. Some articles on Ivanenko:
Ivanenko was the former chairman of the KGB for the Russian Republic but, after the collapse of the Soviet Union, in 1993 he moved to become the vice president of the petroleum company Yukos. He became a majority shareholder five years later, but soon resigned to work as an adviser to the Russian tax minister and later served as the vice president of the Development of Parliamentarianism in Russia foundation (whatever that is). In light of Ivanenko’s current net worth of $290 million, making him Russia’s 84th richest man at one point, some might say capitalism is better for the economy than the communism practiced during the time of the KGB — if you’re as high up in the business world as he is, anyway.
http://www.businesspundit.com/10-former-kgb-officers-who-are-now-filthy-rich
Burbulis says one little known factor that swayed the outcome was that Yeltsin earlier that year had succeeded in creating a separate Russian KGB whose chief, Gen. Viktor Ivanenko, was loyal to Yeltsin.
"From the first minute we arrived at the White House until the final minute when the coup plotters were taken off to prison, all three days Ivanenko was in my office and did not get up from the chair as he made call after call to his fellow officers, to those very people on whom the coup plotters depended most," Burbulis said.
http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/feedarticle/9803554
I know some of these names start blending into each other, so I created a brief OTL bio on some of the major characters so far and there backgrounds. I have some major developments coming in the next few post that will start involving the other Republics as well as our first indication of what is going on in Yugoslavia...
Gennady Yanayev
The former VP under Gorbachev who was one of the leaders of the failed August coup.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gennady_Yanayev
Valentin Pavlov
Former PM of the Soviet Union who was part of the failed August coup.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Valentin_Pavlov
Valentin Varennikov
A general who supported the coup in OTL. He was the only one who refused amnesty, and after his trial emerged as somewhat of a sympathetic figure. He was a sdtrong admirer of Stalin and spoke highly of Putin. I figured he was the one person with the "committee" in this ATL who might have rocked the boat when it came to Zhirinovsky and moved to arrest him.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Valentin_Varennikov
Jack Matlock
Former US Ambassador Jack Matlock
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jack_F._Matlock,_Jr.
Alexander Rutskoy
(VP of Russia from 1991-1993). Was part of the 1993 attempted coup against Yeltsin, so his loyalties to Boris were strained at best. He was widely seen in OTL as a hardliner who was selected to round out the ticket.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Alexander_Rutskoy
Gennady Burbulis
(SOS of Russia under Yeltsin, became one of the more reform minded politicians in Russia over the next 10 years)
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gennady_Burbulis
Mikhail Arutyunov
(had a major rift with Yeltsin over Russia’s involvement in the Chechen war in OTL and resigned, was perhaps the most reform minded politician in Russia in 1991). About him:
Mikhail Arutyunov only stayed in politics for a few more years after 1991. He strongly opposed the first Chechen War, and became utterly disillusioned with the new Russia he had helped to build. He watched, helpless, as oligarchs and corrupt officials replaced Communist Party members as the country's new elite.
"What we have ended up with is what we were fighting against at the time," he says. "The population is separating into the extremely poor and the extremely rich. Unfortunately our people have always been very passive except at critical moments."
He predicts that Russia's days of revolution are not yet over, "I think that what is happening now will eventually lead to another wave of anger."
http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-europe-14589691
Viktor Ivanenko,
The former head of the Russian KGB, who becomes kingmaker in this TL, ended up in OTL becoming “filthy rich”. He still ends up one of the richest men in Russia in this ATL, but becomes more of a lightning rod of controversy that leads to his resignation as head of Yukos in 2003. Some articles on Ivanenko:
Ivanenko was the former chairman of the KGB for the Russian Republic but, after the collapse of the Soviet Union, in 1993 he moved to become the vice president of the petroleum company Yukos. He became a majority shareholder five years later, but soon resigned to work as an adviser to the Russian tax minister and later served as the vice president of the Development of Parliamentarianism in Russia foundation (whatever that is). In light of Ivanenko’s current net worth of $290 million, making him Russia’s 84th richest man at one point, some might say capitalism is better for the economy than the communism practiced during the time of the KGB — if you’re as high up in the business world as he is, anyway.
http://www.businesspundit.com/10-former-kgb-officers-who-are-now-filthy-rich
Burbulis says one little known factor that swayed the outcome was that Yeltsin earlier that year had succeeded in creating a separate Russian KGB whose chief, Gen. Viktor Ivanenko, was loyal to Yeltsin.
"From the first minute we arrived at the White House until the final minute when the coup plotters were taken off to prison, all three days Ivanenko was in my office and did not get up from the chair as he made call after call to his fellow officers, to those very people on whom the coup plotters depended most," Burbulis said.
http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/feedarticle/9803554
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PART SIX: WINNING THE BATTLE AND LOSING THE WAR
PART SIX: WINNING THE BATTLE AND LOSING THE WAR
Bush snubs chiefs of “Illegal” Coup
August 20, 1991
New York Times
by Alice Kaufman
President Bush today told the leaders of Monday's coup in the Soviet Union that the United States would refuse to establish normal relations with them, and he telephoned newly appointed provisional Russian president Vladimir Zhirinovsky to offer support.
"We are not giving up on the restoration of a constitutional government in the Soviet Union," the President declared as protests showed its first signs of waning after the appointment of Zhirinovsky earlier in the day.
After Robert S. Strauss was sworn in as the new United States Ambassador to Moscow, Mr. Bush appeared with him on the White House lawn. The President said Mr. Strauss would travel to the Soviet Union immediately as a special envoy.
NEW OPPOSITION LEADER CALLS FOR RETURN OF GORBACHEV
August 20, 1991
DETROIT FREE PRESS
MOSCOW -- Leaders of yesterday’s coup against Mikhail S. Gorbachev put the city under curfew last night and sent more armor rumbling into the streets in an attempt to quell the growing lawlessness in the streets of Moscow, but the protest against them did not diminish.
Thousands of Muscovites were still standing their ground this morning as the tanks rolled in, drawn to the city center to protest the coup that toppled President Gorbachev and urged on by newly appointed provisional Russian President Vladimir Zhirinovsky, who has emerged as the new symbol of their opposition, replacing the assassinated Boris Yeltsin and the controversial Mikhail Arutyunov.
At least two dozen protesters were reported killed by armored military vehicles throughout the night as the coup leaders began desperately trying to restore order in the capital as protest spread throughout the Soviet Union. The move came almost immediately after the pro Yeltsin Democratic Russia Coalition, along with Russian Vice President Alexander Rutskoy, and Russian Secretary of State Gennady Burbulis announced that Zhirinovsky had been named acting head of state for the Russian SSR early this morning. The news was met with mixed reaction from the protesters, but nonetheless did seem to revitalize the fragile opposition. Thousands of demonstrators gathered near the White House waiting grimly for a full-fledged armored assault that never came.
Meanwhile, the first cracks appeared in the ruling junta's ranks today, fueling the opposition and giving it a much needed boost.
One member quit the eight-man junta running the country, the so-called Committee for the State Emergency, and another was reported to be having serious health problems. Deep pockets of resistance to the leaders of the coup also became evident throughout the country; although Mr. Zhirinovsky’s supporters seem to be taking a considerably less prominent role than the supporters of the deceased former president Yeltsin. About 50,000 demonstrators flowed to the Russian parliament building where Mr. Yeltsin was killed, most chanting pro-Yeltsin slogans.
“I support Vladimir Zhirinovsky for only one reason,” said one protester, “he is the enemy of the men who killed Yeltsin, and the enemy of my enemy is my friend.”
Mr. Zhirinovsky has yet to make any public statement since his appointment as acting head of state for the Russian SSR, nor has he been seen in public since a failed attempt to arrest him yesterday morning led to a clash between pro-coup factions of the military and supporters of Mr. Zhirinovsky’s Liberal Democratic Party. However, a written statement was issued in his name from the Russian White House, where some believe he may be holding out with other supporters of the anti-coup faction.
Mr. Zhirinovsky had called on his supporters to join with supporters of the deceased president and “all patriots who love their country” to come to the Russian Federation building and to maintain a vigil against armed attack by the new government.
The statement prompted the coup leaders to begin cracking down on the protest for the first time; a move that many foreign observers stated was an attempt to prevent the opposition from regrouping after the assassination of their leader. However, although the riots in Moscow have eased somewhat, the opposition to the coup has only intensified, with thousands coming to the White House. Some protesters were armed only with a giant two-block-long banner in the three colors of the old white, blue and red czarist Russian flag, which they then strung across the bottom of the federation building.
Mr. Zhirinovsky also called on the leaders of the coup to produce Mr. Gorbachev - who has reportedly been under arrest at his vacation home in the Crimea since early Monday morning. The leaders of the coup announced that he was too ill to lead the county. Mr. Zhirinovsky’s written statement demanded that World Health Organization doctors be allowed to examine Mr. Gorbachev.
The junta countered with a decree declaring the appointment of Mr. Zhirinovsky illegal, and for him to step down as provisional head of state of the Russian Republic.
However, the appointment of Mr. Zhirinovsky, coupled with the ineptitude of the leaders of the coup to deal with the riots, led to defections to the opposition. At about three PM, Soviet television confirmed that defense minister General Dmitry T. Yazov had resigned from the junta, and it also reported that the unpopular Prime Minister Valentin Pavlov was being treated in a hospital for hypertension.
Reports were broadcast over loudspeakers of Mr. Yazov's resignation and Mr. Pavlov's illness.
The news electrified the crowd, who cheered loudly.
60 Minutes on CBS News - “The Madman of Moscow ?” from March 13, 1994
Portions of a Mike Wallace interview with Valentin Pavlov, former Prime Minister of the Soviet Union.
Courtesy of CBS
Mike Wallace: Mr. Pavlov, if Mr. Zhirinovsky was, as you allege, a KGB mole, why did he join the opposition?
Valentin Pavlov: Isn’t it obvious. He saw this as a civil war within the KGB. On one side you had Vladimir Kryuchkov, chairman of the Soviet KGB who was with us, and on the other you had Victor Ivanenko, chairman of the Russian KGB, who supported Yeltsin. When General Valentin Varennikov tried to arrest him before the coup, it thrust him into the arms of Ivanenko.
Wallace: Why did the announcement of Mr. Zhirinovsky as acting head of state prompt the committee to act with such forcefulness?
Pavlov: We realized nobody was really in control of the opposition, and they would never act to control the riots. Vice President Rutskoy was doing nothing, and naming Zhirinovsky as head of state appeared to be an act of desperation. He wasn’t even in the White House! How could he do anything?
Wallace: So it wasn’t fear that he would rally the opposition?
Pavlov: No. But in hindsight, he did have that effect. The riots did something to our nation in 24 hours…it showed us how fragile it had become. Suddenly men like General Yazov, loyal lifetime members of the Communist Party, stopped caring about communism. They cared nothing about politics anymore. They saw the country tearing itself apart and they wanted only to hold the country together. If that meant supporting a man like Vladimir Zhirinovsky, they would do it.
Wallace: So Zhirinovsky did fracture the committee and drive some members into the opposition?
Pavlov: By August 20th the coup and Gorbachev became the side story. The real story was that the Soviet Union was about to implode. And once that became clear, everyone, including myself, looked at things differently.
Wallace: Is that what led to you being admitted into the hospital on the second day of the coup?
Pavlov: I recognized that we were winning the battle but losing the war. We were going to take control of the county from the opposition and from Gorbachev, but what would be left of the country?
Excerpts from the book “Three Days in Moscow” by Edward Ellis.
Published by Random House © 1999
Moscow, USSR. August 20, 1991. 5:33 P.M.
The appointment of Vladimir Zhirinovsky had an immediate effect of the opposition, but by most accounts little of it had to do with the controversial politician himself. For much of the day, General Ivanenko contacted friends in the military and KGB, now with a new message condemning the inaction of the GKChP and the coming disillusion of the Soviet Union.
“He made a very strong argument to those members of the military that just one day ago were firmly in the pocket of the GKChP,” commented Sergei Filatov, “the country is imploding and the GKChP is doing nothing. Already you had Armenia, Lithuania, and other republics that had declared independence. If the lawlessness continued, or if we let ourselves get dragged into civil war, the Soviet Union would be finished. If the GKChP couldn’t stop the riots, then we needed to support someone who could.”
The fear of civil war permitted many members of both the opposition and of the military to support Zhirinovsky, whom it was assured would only fill in as acting head of state until the end of the crisis. For members of the Democratic Russian Coalition, he had only one thing going for him: he was not a member of the Communist Party. For the Communist and the military, he had only one thing going for him: he didn’t want to see the Soviet Union dissolved. Everything else could be put aside while the riots were going on.
From CNN’s twenty-four episode television documentary Cold War.
© 1998
Courtesy of CNN
Episode 24: “Conclusions”
Former NBC Moscow reporter Bob Abernethy:
“The greatest irony is not that Vladimir Zhirinovsky was selected to lead Russia during the coup, but that the main reason he was selected was because he seemed like the only man who could hold the country together. In the end, I suppose that’s what he did. But at what cost? It certainly wasn’t the Soviet Union that his backers from the Communist Party envisioned, nor was it the democratic nation that supporters of Boris Yeltsin envisioned.
"Kingmaker of the Coup"
Foreign Affairs (2/22/10)
by Victor Ivanenko and Mary Kerr
For the first time, Boris Yeltsin's former right-hand man tells the inside story of the coup that destroyed the Soviet Union-- and changed the world.
By the afternoon of Aug. 20th, 1991 it became apparent to all that the GKChP realized they had overplayed their hand, and would now stop at nothing to crush the revolt and do so quickly. The first indication was when Moscow military district commander General Kalinin, a supporter of the coup, declared a curfew in Moscow for the night of August 20th. Vice President Rutskoy, who only reluctantly agreed to defer power to Vladimir Zhirinovsky for a period of 72-hours, immediately indicated a desire to contact the GKChP and sue for peace. But he was overruled by Burbulis and Ivanenko, who recognized the cracks in the GKChP. Ivanenko, who had lost over 80% of supporters of Yeltsin over the night, suddenly gained support for the opposition as members of the military began calling asking for orders from the newly appointed head of state.
“They want the order to crush the riots,” Burbulis told Ivanenko, “and right now they don’t care who gives it.”
But for Ivanenko and Burbulis, the pressing concern was for what they saw as the imminent attack on the White House from General Kalinin. Both realized that the belated attempts to crack down on the rioters, coupled with the announced curfew, could only mean that there would soon be an assault on the White House.
“We need to act,” Burbulis told supporters, “we need a show of force.”
Although Vladimir Zhirinovsky was “asked” not to come to the White House, an order he was more than happy to comply with, he was still authorizing statements to be made on his behalf. And Ivanenko could see that although the crackdown on the rioters was not as successful as was hoped, he also knew that it would not be long before the military would crush the riot completely.
It was enough to prompt the General to act. He prepared a statement and called Zhirinovsky.
“Mr. Zhirinovsky,” he said over the phone, “I have a statement, and I need you to make it yourself.”
A long pause followed.
“Yes, I am afraid that means you will have to leave your dacha and come here to the White House.”
Bush snubs chiefs of “Illegal” Coup
August 20, 1991
New York Times
by Alice Kaufman
President Bush today told the leaders of Monday's coup in the Soviet Union that the United States would refuse to establish normal relations with them, and he telephoned newly appointed provisional Russian president Vladimir Zhirinovsky to offer support.
"We are not giving up on the restoration of a constitutional government in the Soviet Union," the President declared as protests showed its first signs of waning after the appointment of Zhirinovsky earlier in the day.
After Robert S. Strauss was sworn in as the new United States Ambassador to Moscow, Mr. Bush appeared with him on the White House lawn. The President said Mr. Strauss would travel to the Soviet Union immediately as a special envoy.
NEW OPPOSITION LEADER CALLS FOR RETURN OF GORBACHEV
August 20, 1991
DETROIT FREE PRESS
MOSCOW -- Leaders of yesterday’s coup against Mikhail S. Gorbachev put the city under curfew last night and sent more armor rumbling into the streets in an attempt to quell the growing lawlessness in the streets of Moscow, but the protest against them did not diminish.
Thousands of Muscovites were still standing their ground this morning as the tanks rolled in, drawn to the city center to protest the coup that toppled President Gorbachev and urged on by newly appointed provisional Russian President Vladimir Zhirinovsky, who has emerged as the new symbol of their opposition, replacing the assassinated Boris Yeltsin and the controversial Mikhail Arutyunov.
At least two dozen protesters were reported killed by armored military vehicles throughout the night as the coup leaders began desperately trying to restore order in the capital as protest spread throughout the Soviet Union. The move came almost immediately after the pro Yeltsin Democratic Russia Coalition, along with Russian Vice President Alexander Rutskoy, and Russian Secretary of State Gennady Burbulis announced that Zhirinovsky had been named acting head of state for the Russian SSR early this morning. The news was met with mixed reaction from the protesters, but nonetheless did seem to revitalize the fragile opposition. Thousands of demonstrators gathered near the White House waiting grimly for a full-fledged armored assault that never came.
Meanwhile, the first cracks appeared in the ruling junta's ranks today, fueling the opposition and giving it a much needed boost.
One member quit the eight-man junta running the country, the so-called Committee for the State Emergency, and another was reported to be having serious health problems. Deep pockets of resistance to the leaders of the coup also became evident throughout the country; although Mr. Zhirinovsky’s supporters seem to be taking a considerably less prominent role than the supporters of the deceased former president Yeltsin. About 50,000 demonstrators flowed to the Russian parliament building where Mr. Yeltsin was killed, most chanting pro-Yeltsin slogans.
“I support Vladimir Zhirinovsky for only one reason,” said one protester, “he is the enemy of the men who killed Yeltsin, and the enemy of my enemy is my friend.”
Mr. Zhirinovsky has yet to make any public statement since his appointment as acting head of state for the Russian SSR, nor has he been seen in public since a failed attempt to arrest him yesterday morning led to a clash between pro-coup factions of the military and supporters of Mr. Zhirinovsky’s Liberal Democratic Party. However, a written statement was issued in his name from the Russian White House, where some believe he may be holding out with other supporters of the anti-coup faction.
Mr. Zhirinovsky had called on his supporters to join with supporters of the deceased president and “all patriots who love their country” to come to the Russian Federation building and to maintain a vigil against armed attack by the new government.
The statement prompted the coup leaders to begin cracking down on the protest for the first time; a move that many foreign observers stated was an attempt to prevent the opposition from regrouping after the assassination of their leader. However, although the riots in Moscow have eased somewhat, the opposition to the coup has only intensified, with thousands coming to the White House. Some protesters were armed only with a giant two-block-long banner in the three colors of the old white, blue and red czarist Russian flag, which they then strung across the bottom of the federation building.
Mr. Zhirinovsky also called on the leaders of the coup to produce Mr. Gorbachev - who has reportedly been under arrest at his vacation home in the Crimea since early Monday morning. The leaders of the coup announced that he was too ill to lead the county. Mr. Zhirinovsky’s written statement demanded that World Health Organization doctors be allowed to examine Mr. Gorbachev.
The junta countered with a decree declaring the appointment of Mr. Zhirinovsky illegal, and for him to step down as provisional head of state of the Russian Republic.
However, the appointment of Mr. Zhirinovsky, coupled with the ineptitude of the leaders of the coup to deal with the riots, led to defections to the opposition. At about three PM, Soviet television confirmed that defense minister General Dmitry T. Yazov had resigned from the junta, and it also reported that the unpopular Prime Minister Valentin Pavlov was being treated in a hospital for hypertension.
Reports were broadcast over loudspeakers of Mr. Yazov's resignation and Mr. Pavlov's illness.
The news electrified the crowd, who cheered loudly.
60 Minutes on CBS News - “The Madman of Moscow ?” from March 13, 1994
Portions of a Mike Wallace interview with Valentin Pavlov, former Prime Minister of the Soviet Union.
Courtesy of CBS
Mike Wallace: Mr. Pavlov, if Mr. Zhirinovsky was, as you allege, a KGB mole, why did he join the opposition?
Valentin Pavlov: Isn’t it obvious. He saw this as a civil war within the KGB. On one side you had Vladimir Kryuchkov, chairman of the Soviet KGB who was with us, and on the other you had Victor Ivanenko, chairman of the Russian KGB, who supported Yeltsin. When General Valentin Varennikov tried to arrest him before the coup, it thrust him into the arms of Ivanenko.
Wallace: Why did the announcement of Mr. Zhirinovsky as acting head of state prompt the committee to act with such forcefulness?
Pavlov: We realized nobody was really in control of the opposition, and they would never act to control the riots. Vice President Rutskoy was doing nothing, and naming Zhirinovsky as head of state appeared to be an act of desperation. He wasn’t even in the White House! How could he do anything?
Wallace: So it wasn’t fear that he would rally the opposition?
Pavlov: No. But in hindsight, he did have that effect. The riots did something to our nation in 24 hours…it showed us how fragile it had become. Suddenly men like General Yazov, loyal lifetime members of the Communist Party, stopped caring about communism. They cared nothing about politics anymore. They saw the country tearing itself apart and they wanted only to hold the country together. If that meant supporting a man like Vladimir Zhirinovsky, they would do it.
Wallace: So Zhirinovsky did fracture the committee and drive some members into the opposition?
Pavlov: By August 20th the coup and Gorbachev became the side story. The real story was that the Soviet Union was about to implode. And once that became clear, everyone, including myself, looked at things differently.
Wallace: Is that what led to you being admitted into the hospital on the second day of the coup?
Pavlov: I recognized that we were winning the battle but losing the war. We were going to take control of the county from the opposition and from Gorbachev, but what would be left of the country?
Excerpts from the book “Three Days in Moscow” by Edward Ellis.
Published by Random House © 1999
Moscow, USSR. August 20, 1991. 5:33 P.M.
The appointment of Vladimir Zhirinovsky had an immediate effect of the opposition, but by most accounts little of it had to do with the controversial politician himself. For much of the day, General Ivanenko contacted friends in the military and KGB, now with a new message condemning the inaction of the GKChP and the coming disillusion of the Soviet Union.
“He made a very strong argument to those members of the military that just one day ago were firmly in the pocket of the GKChP,” commented Sergei Filatov, “the country is imploding and the GKChP is doing nothing. Already you had Armenia, Lithuania, and other republics that had declared independence. If the lawlessness continued, or if we let ourselves get dragged into civil war, the Soviet Union would be finished. If the GKChP couldn’t stop the riots, then we needed to support someone who could.”
The fear of civil war permitted many members of both the opposition and of the military to support Zhirinovsky, whom it was assured would only fill in as acting head of state until the end of the crisis. For members of the Democratic Russian Coalition, he had only one thing going for him: he was not a member of the Communist Party. For the Communist and the military, he had only one thing going for him: he didn’t want to see the Soviet Union dissolved. Everything else could be put aside while the riots were going on.
From CNN’s twenty-four episode television documentary Cold War.
© 1998
Courtesy of CNN
Episode 24: “Conclusions”
Former NBC Moscow reporter Bob Abernethy:
“The greatest irony is not that Vladimir Zhirinovsky was selected to lead Russia during the coup, but that the main reason he was selected was because he seemed like the only man who could hold the country together. In the end, I suppose that’s what he did. But at what cost? It certainly wasn’t the Soviet Union that his backers from the Communist Party envisioned, nor was it the democratic nation that supporters of Boris Yeltsin envisioned.
"Kingmaker of the Coup"
Foreign Affairs (2/22/10)
by Victor Ivanenko and Mary Kerr
For the first time, Boris Yeltsin's former right-hand man tells the inside story of the coup that destroyed the Soviet Union-- and changed the world.
By the afternoon of Aug. 20th, 1991 it became apparent to all that the GKChP realized they had overplayed their hand, and would now stop at nothing to crush the revolt and do so quickly. The first indication was when Moscow military district commander General Kalinin, a supporter of the coup, declared a curfew in Moscow for the night of August 20th. Vice President Rutskoy, who only reluctantly agreed to defer power to Vladimir Zhirinovsky for a period of 72-hours, immediately indicated a desire to contact the GKChP and sue for peace. But he was overruled by Burbulis and Ivanenko, who recognized the cracks in the GKChP. Ivanenko, who had lost over 80% of supporters of Yeltsin over the night, suddenly gained support for the opposition as members of the military began calling asking for orders from the newly appointed head of state.
“They want the order to crush the riots,” Burbulis told Ivanenko, “and right now they don’t care who gives it.”
But for Ivanenko and Burbulis, the pressing concern was for what they saw as the imminent attack on the White House from General Kalinin. Both realized that the belated attempts to crack down on the rioters, coupled with the announced curfew, could only mean that there would soon be an assault on the White House.
“We need to act,” Burbulis told supporters, “we need a show of force.”
Although Vladimir Zhirinovsky was “asked” not to come to the White House, an order he was more than happy to comply with, he was still authorizing statements to be made on his behalf. And Ivanenko could see that although the crackdown on the rioters was not as successful as was hoped, he also knew that it would not be long before the military would crush the riot completely.
It was enough to prompt the General to act. He prepared a statement and called Zhirinovsky.
“Mr. Zhirinovsky,” he said over the phone, “I have a statement, and I need you to make it yourself.”
A long pause followed.
“Yes, I am afraid that means you will have to leave your dacha and come here to the White House.”
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This is a fantastic original recent-history TL. Your research level is obviously excellent, and your format is fun to read. Now that Zhirinovsky is in charge, I am really looking forward to what happens next.