Blue Skies in Camelot: An Alternate 60's and Beyond
- Thread starter President_Lincoln
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Thank you, ImperialTheorist!
It was a great time and I was really happy to see them before they head home for the summer. Thanks Historybuff!
Chapter 39
Chapter 39 - Cry Like A Baby: The Race for the White House Continues
The 1968 Democratic Primaries were by now firmly a race between Senators Smathers and Humphrey, with even minor challengers bowing out left and right to back one titan over the other. Humphrey followed up his win in New Hampshire with another in Wisconsin on April 2nd. Unfortunately for the Happy Warrior however, the gap between he and Smathers was growing tighter by the day. Humphrey’s victory in New Hampshire may have been commanding, but he barely edged Smathers out in the Badger State, winning by only 4% of the vote. The Smathers campaign had adopted a “middle America” strategy of their own from the playbook of Ronald Reagan and George Wallace, attacking their Minnesotan opponent by connecting him to the excess of the counterculture and hippie movement. “If you truly believe in the promise of good government and the party of Franklin Delano Roosevelt, then don’t vote for the best friend of the long haired weirdos and their pot smoking cabal!” Smathers joked in a speech in Madison the day before the primary. “We Democrats are of course for progress, but not all change is good change. Look no further than San Francisco and you’ll see this is the case. We need responsible, experienced leadership in Washington, and I, certainly more than my opponent, can provide that.”
Polls across the nation showed Smathers gaining on Humphrey and even leading him in several states besides his native Florida. Though Humphrey had the support of the big city bosses and party establishment, he had yet to secure the President’s endorsement or the unconditional loyalty of organized labor. White, working class Democrats, particularly those who were more religious and socially conservative, who couldn’t stomach voting for Wallace and the American Conservatives found an easy champion in “Gorgeous George” Smathers. “Let Humphrey have the black vote.” The Florida Senator said in a private memo to his campaign manager. “We’re going to hit him where he thinks he’s safe: better bargaining rights, a promise to repeal Taft-Hartley. Humphrey thinks he can count on the union vote, let’s prove him wrong.” Following his narrow loss in Wisconsin, Smathers immediately hit the road for Pennsylvania, where the next primary would take place on April 23rd. It was the heartland, exactly the kind of blue collar, working country that Smathers believed his down to Earth, southern fried variety of Democrat could cultivate a following. Appearing only once in Philadelphia, as he believed his cause and positions to fall on mostly deaf ears in major cities, Smathers had the, in his mind, rotten luck of holding his rally on April 4th, the same night as the attempt on Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.’s life.
The Senator was making his way to the podium, about to begin his prepared speech when someone in the audience cried out, “Justice for Martin!”. Smathers flicked his eyes to the podium, trying to let the subsequent jeers die down so he could get to his arguments. An attendee in the front row misinterpreted this motion as the Senator rolling his eyes and shrieked: “What is wrong with you? Don’t you have a heart?” The crowd began to grow agitated, and the first voice, from the back, shouted again: “Bigot! Racist!” Upon finally reaching the podium, Smathers cleared his throat and attempted, earnestly to recover. Off the cuff, he called for peace and began to rattle off platitudes about peace, unity, and treating each other with respect. To even the white members of the audience, the comments sounded painfully insincere coming from a man who had not only voted against the Civil Rights Act of 1964, but had publicly called Dr. King a “rabble rouser” multiple times in the past. Unwilling to let Smathers move into his prepared material, the crowd began to chant over his words, and demanded that he explain himself and his record on Civil Rights.
Realizing that he wasn’t going to be earning any votes from this audience, the Senator thought it wiser to retreat and vacate the premises before something happened. He leaned into the microphone and apologized to the “well behaved” members of the audience, saying: “I regret that some came to this open forum here tonight and filled it with hubbub and hot air!” The crowd booed vigorously and Smathers was pelted with garbage and other small objects as he ducked out behind the cover of his campaign bus. The agitated crowd would go on to cause minor property damage to the venue, as fights broke out between Smathers supporters and other Democrats who had come to ask the candidate to set his record straight. Television cameras, which Smathers had gleefully invited to see the “civility” of his rallies as opposed to the “hippie chaos” of Humphrey’s, beamed images of the violence into homes across the country. Smathers was blamed by many for his cowardice after the incident, and Humphrey went on to win the Pennsylvania primary by double digits. The attempt on MLK’s life, and Smathers’ complete inability to respond practically sealed his fate on the losing end of the primary season. Smathers’ poll numbers slowly began to slip, then crumble, and finally collapse.
With the sole exception of Florida, Smathers’ home state, Humphrey would sweep the rest of the primaries, attempting to unify the party by moderating his rhetoric and highlighting the anti-communist credentials of his past. The unfolding situations in Czechoslovakia and Cambodia, not to mention President Kennedy’s decision to send a delegation to Beijing had turned the public’s eye to foreign affairs once again. HHH was damned if he was going to let spoilers in his party, the John Birchers of the American Conservatives, or the hawks in the GOP paint him as weak in light of these events. Beating the tar out of his opponent also opened up another important opportunity for Humphrey in the form of a Presidential endorsement. No longer feeling like he was betraying a personal friend when Smathers stood little to no chance of being nominated, President Kennedy now felt that he could, with confidence, extend his seal of approval to his former rival. The only bit of business left to clean up before the convention was the matter of Humphrey’s running mate.
The Happy Warrior looked ahead to a virtually guaranteed nomination at the Democratic Convention in August, but the primaries had taken their toll and revealed cracks in his seemingly invincible liberal armor. Blue collar, socially conservative whites in the midwest, a core voting bloc for the Democrats, had decisively favored Smathers to Humphrey, even after the “walkout in Philly” as the incident came to be called. Though African Americans, women, and intellectuals had flocked to Humphrey’s campaign in droves, working class males remained elusive to him. With Wallace recently announcing his intention to tour the midwest and hold rallies in Chicago, Indianapolis, and Detroit, Humphrey and the Democrats worried that their base would abandon them and decide to take a chance with the ACP. In determining who he should select as his running mate, Humphrey saw an opportunity to bring the party back together and, in his own words, “stop the bleeding.” The question was, however who could do the job? The President made his own preference clear during his meeting with Humphrey before announcing his official endorsement: Senator George Smathers. The primaries had been a bare knuckled, no holds barred fight for control of the people’s party, and the presumptive nominee held great animosity toward his opponent. Humphrey was against the match from the start. President Kennedy saw the issue differently, however. JFK reminded Humphrey that the two of them had been titanic rivals eight years prior, and yet managed to overcome that to achieve great things for the nation in the fields of welfare, civil rights, and the environment. “You two don’t have to like each other to work well together.” The President reminded the Senator. “And putting George on the ticket gives you the potential to take Florida, maybe even more of the South from Wallace. You bind up the party’s wounds and cover your rightward flank at the same time.”
“Mr. President,” Humphrey replied, doing his utmost to contain his anger at the suggestion. “Can you promise me that you aren’t telling me to do this to help out your old pal, George? Is this truly coming from a place of genuine advice?”
Kennedy smiled sadly and nodded. “Hubert, I know that we’ve had our differences in the past, but I care too much for the well being of this nation, and respect you too much as both a friend and a statesman, to ever give advice for my own ends. George isn’t as progressive as we’d like him to be, but a lot of that comes with the territory. Had he voted a clean slate on civil rights, he wouldn’t have been around to vote for The Voting Rights Act or Medicare, or any of the other number of essential programs you and I worked to create. I don’t have to tell you that the South is a deeply conservative place. Florida likely would have howled him out of Congress if he pushed too far. It angers me too that George lacked the courage to join you and I in this great fight for equality, but I do believe that given the right chance, he can find redemption. At the end of the day, the choice is yours, Senator.” The President stood and looked Humphrey directly in the eyes. “But know that being here, in this seat,” he tapped the Resolute Desk beneath him. “Is going to require you to make a number of decisions you won’t like. All I’m saying is to brace yourself for that.” He extended his hand and smiled once more. “Good luck, Senator. My hopes and best wishes are with you.”
Humphrey stood, taking this all in before accepting the handshake. “Thank you, Mr. President.”
Over the next several days, the Senator and his campaign staff ran through a shortlist of potential running mates, in addition to the President’s recommendation. Mayor Joseph Alioto of San Francisco, Governor Richard J Harris of New Jersey, and Oklahoma Senator Fred R. Harris all served to balance the ticket geographically, but provided little else to help them stand out. Junior Senator, former Mercury Astronaut, and first American in Space John Glenn, of Ohio, could provide plenty of star power, but was from the same region as Humphrey and was seen as young and untested politically. Finally there was Senator Edmund Muskie, of Maine, widely considered to be a fine option, Muskie’s liberal credentials and statesmanlike qualities were pristine. Humphrey seriously considered both Glenn and Muskie, but in the end, the President’s words hung heavy on his mind. Choices I won’t like. The Minnesotan sighed. Guess we’d better hit the ground running in that department. With only days to go before Chicago, Humphrey made a fateful phone call and swallowed his pride. “Hello, George? It’s Hubert. How would you like to be the next Vice President of the United States?”
1968 Democratic Ticket: HUMPHREY/SMATHERS
…
The Republican National Convention, held about a month earlier in Los Angeles, California had, naturally, been a more contentious affair than its Democratic counterpart. The primaries had not been kind to the campaign for Senator Goldwater, who saw his support dwindle and his numbers decline in each passing state. Emboldened by their near victory against a popular incumbent in ‘64, the moderate and establishment wings of the GOP saw ‘68 as a golden opportunity to take back the White House. They absolutely, under no circumstances wanted to hand Hubert Humphrey the Oval Office on a silver platter by nominating Goldwater, and so instead began to coalesce around Romney and Nixon. Romney managed huge wins in Ohio (largely thanks to the help of James Rhodes, the state’s governor dropping out of the race), Wisconsin, Illinois, Massachusetts, and Indiana; while losing New Jersey, Nebraska, South Dakota, and Oregon to Nixon. As it had four years prior, the commanding lead heading into the convention rested on California and its massive reserve of delegates. The state’s popular Governor, Ronald Reagan had refused to rescind his endorsement of Senator Goldwater, and so Romney and Nixon headed to the Golden State to duke it out before the convention.
Nixon, being a Californian himself, naturally held home-field advantage. He knew all the right people to reach out to, the right towns and cities to visit, the right positions to take. The people of the state knew Nixon however, and many Republicans had grown somewhat tired of him and his Machiavellian schemes for power. He had cost them the White House in 1960, the Governor’s Mansion in ‘62, and had bet on the wrong horse, it seemed, in ‘64 as well. For all his claims of being a political mastermind, Nixon sure struck out a lot more than he hit home runs. What was more, Governor Romney stood in strong contrast to Tricky Dick. Seeming honest, forthright, and plain spoken was the greatest boon a politician could have in Reagan country, and the results of the Golden State’s primary showed. Romney edged out Nixon by 6%, heading into the convention with a large, if not decisive lead in the delegate count. In his victory speech at the Los Angeles Hilton, Governor Romney was congratulated by Governor Reagan, who though still officially endorsing Goldwater, began to appear alongside Romney at rallies and events across the state. To Reagan, Romney might not have been as conservative as he would have liked, but he was more trustworthy than Nixon, a view Senator Goldwater quickly came to share as well. On the eve of the convention, in order to avoid a deadlocked floor, Goldwater called on any delegates planning on supporting him to “vote their conscience” and consider him out of the running for the nomination. Though Goldwater never mentioned Nixon by name in his concession speech, he did refer to “certain insidious individuals [who] are attempting to usurp control of our grand old party.”
Nixon was incensed, and made a speech defending himself as “the only real conservative choice” left in the race. By the morning of August 5th however, the first day of the convention, it was clear that Richard Nixon would not be the Republican nominee for President in 1968. Though Romney didn’t yet have quite enough delegates to put him over the edge, his support vastly dwarfed Nixon’s. The former Vice President, angry and bitter at having been “robbed” of a chance at Presidential glory yet again, began to wonder if he should drop out and leave his delegates to back Romney. Nixon personally detested the man, viewed him as “soft, a total dullard”, and would have preferred just about anyone else at the top of the ticket. The idea of remaining in the running long enough to possibly force a different, compromise candidate seemed appealing at first, but was petty, and a long shot at best. Realistically, Nixon knew that if he wanted power and influence, he was going to need to get it by indirect means. For that reason, just hours before the doors of the convention opened, Nixon picked up the phone and gave Governor Romney a call. He agreed to step down and give his support, virtually assuring Romney’s nomination, in exchange for a prominent appointment. The Michigan Governor asked if his opponent meant being added to the ticket. Nixon guffawed. I will never be Vice President again. He thought to himself. Such a waste of my potential. “No, Governor. I was thinking a cabinet post, should you go all the way and win this thing. I have always been very interested in foreign affairs.”
And so it was settled. In exchange for his support, Governor Romney, should he win the election, agreed to make Richard Milhous Nixon his Secretary of State. It was a monumental decision. Such an important cabinet post was sure, if instated, to have massive consequences on his administration’s foreign policy, but Romney felt that he was making the best decision for party unity. The convention opened at last with the party’s nomination sewn up. Recently elected California Congresswoman and former child star, Shirley Temple served as the event’s keynote speaker, and used her speech to declare: “Wake up America, it’s time for a change!” This cheery, optimistic tone matched the idealism espoused by the Democrats at their convention later that month, but seemed somewhat more genuine coming from the lips of one of America’s greatest national treasures. It was the beginning of what would become a sterling political career for the former actress.
Throughout the next several days, the party’s policy platform was laid, speeches were made challenging the Democrats on their status as America’s “de facto party of government”, and Romney’s various supporters, notably New York Governor Nelson Rockefeller and former Vice President Nixon began to set aside their differences and lay the groundwork for their general election strategy. 1968 was shaping up to be a truly odd election in American political history, as the presence of the American Conservatives threw a wrench into the parties’ ideological works. Holding their first national convention in Atlanta, Georgia on July 27th, the ACP had, of course, nominated George Corey Wallace for President and in a shocking move aimed at expanding their appeal beyond the deep south’s most dedicated bigots, added Albert Benjamin “Happy” Chandler, former Democratic Governor of Kentucky and Commissioner of Major League Baseball as their Vice Presidential candidate. Chandler had been the commissioner who approved the signing of Jackie Robinson by the Brooklyn Dodgers in 1947, effectively integrating the MLB, and though fairly conservative relative to Hubert Humphrey, was much more progressive than the frothing rhetoric of Wallace. Chandler had been reluctant initially to be added to the ACP’s ticket, but after Wallace agreed to drop any “nominally racial” terms from the party’s platform, Chandler relented. He believed that Humphrey would take the Democratic Party too far to the left, and that if they could force the election into the House of Representatives, he and Wallace could demand some concessions. For the GOP, this meant that they needed to stand above the war of words between the Conservatives and the Democrats, and to offer a meaningful alternative to the madness: good, decent, responsible government that was progressive in a “common sense” sort of fashion.
For his part, Governor Romney spent the first several days of the convention running through his options for a running mate. Governor Rockefeller was briefly suggested by Leonard Hall, Romney’s campaign manager, but this idea was swiftly dismissed. Rockefeller, for all of the help he had been to Romney’s campaign thus far, would absolutely have a place in Romney’s administration should he win. The Republicans did not, however, believe it would be a good idea to put Rockefeller back on the ticket itself again so soon after his defeat to President Kennedy four years prior. Next, the liberal faction of the party which had backed Romney in the first place suggested Massachusetts Governor John Volpe. He too was rejected however, as Romney thought that a centrist or conservative, rather than a liberal, would be necessary to balance the ticket ideologically. Further, Romney believed it would be perfect if they could get someone from the South, to take advantage of the divisions which were likely to occur there in the wake of Wallace’s growing popularity and poll numbers. Spiro T. Agnew, of Maryland was mentioned for these reasons, but Romney had a candidate he liked better himself: Senator George Bush of Texas.
Only forty-four years old, well spoken, and a member of the Senate’s foreign relations committee, the young Texan added a youthful, fresh face to the ticket alongside the sixty year old Romney and checked every other box on the Governor’s wish list for a potential running mate as well. Though he had yet to finish his first term in the Senate, Bush had already made a name for himself with his no nonsense, centrist approach to legislation. Bush and his wife, Barbara appeared at the convention in support of their party, with little expectation of event besides the brief speech that the Senator was called on to give in support of the Governor’s candidacy. When he received a call from the Governor asking him to join the ticket, Senator Bush was initially conflicted. Hoping to earn some more experience and clout to his name before making a run at the White House himself one day, Bush wondered if it might be better to pass and let someone else take the number two spot. But after a long, emotional evening of deliberation with Barbara and their kids, Bush relented. He called Governor Romney back and accepted his offer to join the ticket.
A Mormon and unlikely civil rights icon from Michigan and an “ivy league carpetbagger” and oilman from Texas were the Republicans’ best hope, it seemed for taking back the White House. Richard Nixon held his head in his hands and said to Nelson Rockefeller, his once-again ally: “Nelson, what do you think? Are we doomed?”
Rockefeller, chewing on a piece of bubblegum and watching the crowd of delegates erupt into applause as Romney and Bush took the stage, simply smiled. “Not at all, Dick. We’re going to run a hell of a campaign and see what these two are made of.” Rubbing his eyes and turning to face his former rival, Rockefeller concluded. “And this time, we’re going to win.”
Presidential Tickets for 1968:
Humphrey/Smathers - Democrats
Romney/Bush - Republicans
Wallace/Chandler - American Conservatives
Romney/Bush - Republicans
Wallace/Chandler - American Conservatives
Next Time on Blue Skies in Camelot: Spotlight on Czechoslovakia
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Indeed it will! If Romney/Bush manage to pull this thing off, Secretary of State Nixon's in, baby!
Kosygin is still against the invasion ITTL. All will be explained in more detail in the next chapter.
Thank you for keeping me honest about this, I apologize if the order of updates here should have been reversed.I'd also like to take this opportunity to thank @Nerdman3000 for pointing out a few historical inaccuracies and mistakes in the early parts of this TL pertaining to Marilyn Monroe's film career. Due to her contractual obligations with Fox around '62, she would have been required to complete Something's Got to Give and several more pictures, preventing her from starring in The Birds. These and other minor mistakes will be retconned and fixed as soon as I have the time to go back and edit the affected chapters.
Thank you all for your sharp and enthusiastic readership!
Thank you all for your sharp and enthusiastic readership!
Oh my god! If Romney wins and somehow dies or is assassinated during his first or second term, we could end up seeing a 1970s George H.W. Bush presidency.
Oh my god! If Romney wins and somehow dies or is assassinated during his first or second term, we could end up seeing a 1970s George H.W. Bush presidency.
A 1970's Bush Sr. Presidency... now that would be interesting!
I have a feeling picking Smathers as VP could come back to bite Hubert. After the racially-charged atmosphere, it could make him come across as disingenuous and hypocritical. Also, Nixon would actually make a pretty darn good Secretary of State in my view. Say what you will about the man, but he DID go to China, after all. I may like Romney well enough, but Humphrey still gets my vote.
I think the Democrats will win just because of President Kennedy's popularity. But the Republicans will make serious inroads. Also, I predict that this will be the last election in which the ACP performs decently.
I think the GOP will win the White House in 1972. Perhaps with so many establishment figures losing out in the previous elections (Nixon Rockefeller and Romney), Goldwater may make a confident return in '72. If he moderates himself a tad bit (and not much. He cannot lose his authenticity), and demonstrates his fitness to be the Commander in Chief, he can win in '72. His victory in the South would also serve as a catalyst for Johnson's political return in Dixie.
@President_Lincoln, you might have created the perfect path for a Goldwater presidency.
@President_Lincoln, you might have created the perfect path for a Goldwater presidency.
If TTL turns out to be a secret Goldwater Wank, I...will be very surprised, to say the least.
Not a wank. I see Goldwater winning in a very close election after a troubled Humphrey presidency (and three terms of Democratic presidents), and then facing a lot of issues passing through his conservative policies in Congress, and losing in '76.
Well, it seems to me we have some fine choices here for the '68 election.
With Humphrey and Smathers together, it will be a good way to sew up the party base. Plus, with the President's endorsement, his popularity should give them a greater boost. However, some people might not be happy to hear Smathers, who was recently booed due to voting against civil rights legislation and was known for insulting MLK Jr. I don't think it'll be as big as an issue, considering that it's usually the presidential candidate that gets the most attention, but I think some people might not be too happy.
With Romney and Bush together, a centrist Republican ticket for the WH marches! With Romney's charisma and Bush's seriousness, I can say that they will be a tough opponent in the race. Centrist vs liberal. What a fight that'll be!
As for the ACP, again, they're trying to make an impact rather than win. Also, with Chandler on it, it might moderate the party and steer it out of its racism. Of course, who knows? (Except for @President_Lincoln)
Now, as for the recent events in Czechoslovakia, I predict it'll have something to do with the Prague Spring. Perhaps a harsher pushback is done due to the conservatives back in Moscow pressuring poor Kosygin?
With Humphrey and Smathers together, it will be a good way to sew up the party base. Plus, with the President's endorsement, his popularity should give them a greater boost. However, some people might not be happy to hear Smathers, who was recently booed due to voting against civil rights legislation and was known for insulting MLK Jr. I don't think it'll be as big as an issue, considering that it's usually the presidential candidate that gets the most attention, but I think some people might not be too happy.
With Romney and Bush together, a centrist Republican ticket for the WH marches! With Romney's charisma and Bush's seriousness, I can say that they will be a tough opponent in the race. Centrist vs liberal. What a fight that'll be!
As for the ACP, again, they're trying to make an impact rather than win. Also, with Chandler on it, it might moderate the party and steer it out of its racism. Of course, who knows? (Except for @President_Lincoln)
Now, as for the recent events in Czechoslovakia, I predict it'll have something to do with the Prague Spring. Perhaps a harsher pushback is done due to the conservatives back in Moscow pressuring poor Kosygin?
Excellent analysis, as always, ImperialTheorist!
The '68 Race ITTL will be a close one. President Kennedy's popularity is a Godsend to Humphrey and Smathers, but "Incumbency fatigue" is beginning to set in about the Democrats for some Americans, who are ready for a change. If Humphrey wants to pull this thing off, he's going to need to make the case that he deserves to be President and will have the most effective solutions to the issues facing the nation. He cannot just ride JFK's illustrious coattails, as it were. Romney and Bush face their own challenges, but have their own advantages as well. The Republicans have a "team of rivals" assembled, with Rockefeller and Nixon scheming together to get the GOP back in power after eight long years in the wilderness. Foreign Affairs will play a major role in the election, expect a few twists and turns there.