What if Jerusalem had assented to the 1538 Sanhedrin.

I wonder if the French Revolution, And its interaction with the near east through Napoleon's people who've stayed behind, may begin sowing the seeds of gasp Republicanism in the Yishuv. Diaspora Jewish communities have always had some level of democratization, mainly due to the need to rule by consensus in the absence of a monopoly on force, and the ideas of the enlightenment will blend into that smoothly. I can see the idea of a "Republic of Israel" (not as in a sovereign state, at least in the beginning, but as in an idea for how the People of Israel should conduct their affairs) gaining traction in esoteric, philosophically experimental Acre at first, then sowing it's seeds across the Yishuv - and probably spilling over to other communities in the region.
It's certainly possible, although Jewish communal governance at this point was more oligarchic than democratic. In many communities, offices were de facto hereditary or passed back and forth between a few prominent families - in effect, a minor nobility. albeit not recognized as such by the state. The closest comparison to the medieval and early modern kehillot is contemporary municipal government or maybe the Italian merchant republics, which isn't surprising given that those are the examples they had. The existing governmental structures of the Galilee Yishuv are an outgrowth of this - it has adapted (and at times been forced to adapt) to regional conditions, but its roots are in the kehillah.

Of course, none of this is immutable, and given the increasing contact between the European Haskalah and Galilee Haskalah during the second half of the 18th century,, Enlightenment political ideas have definitely filtered in. Democracy is a topic of discussion in the coffee-houses and the emerging newspapers, in Tzfat as well as Acre. And the Napoleonic Sanhedrin, with its focus on both the rights and responsibilities of Jewish citizenship and the degree to which Jews should be able to debate these things for themselves, might catalyze this discussion. But democratization in the Galilee is going to face the same institutional obstacles as everywhere else - it will be a slow, uneven process.
Well, the Yishuv has self-managed so far as an (oligarchic) parliamentary vassal monarchy....

It will also be interesting to see how "the people" end up challenging the judicial and political authority of the "undemocratic" Sanhedrin, which in the future could see itself cornered into the strictly religious sphere by some type of elective body.
Although the Sanhedrin is also one of the most representative institutions in the Yishuv, simply because every rabbi is part of it - the civil authorities have already set the precedent that they can't keep Yemenite rabbis out, and that also means they can't keep out the Sudanese, the Mughrabis, the Caucasians... or the liberals. Anyone who has a kosher smicha is in, and although there will certainly be debate about what qualifies as a valid smicha (and I assume they'd require candidates to have all three of the traditional smichot), the Sanhedrin can't be too exclusive in that regard or it will risk losing its halachic legitimacy. None of which is to say that there won't be pressure to subordinate some of the Sanhedrin's functions (such as education and public welfare) to a parliament, but that pressure may come from inside the house.
 
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I can see the idea of a "Republic of Israel" (not as in a sovereign state, at least in the beginning, but as in an idea for how the People of Israel should conduct their affairs) gaining traction in esoteric, philosophically experimental Acre at first, then sowing it's seeds across the Yishuv - and probably spilling over to other communities in the region.
One more note: by the turn of the 19th century ITTL, the Yishuv has had 250 years of practice treating "Israel" as a judicial term. The Land of Israel is where the Sanhedrin has authority to act as supreme court, waqf, and administrator of Jewish education and welfare. That's going to make the Yishuv wary of giving the name "Israel" to any political entity - two Israels with different borders will cause all kinds of legal and possibly even religious confusion, and calling a state or canton Israel could be construed as an admission of the Sanhedrin's jurisdiction. So I'm fairly sure that the Yishuv will continue to call the Tzfat-based canton "Galil," just as they're careful to call the civil governor "nagid" rather than "nasi" or, heaven help us, "melech."
 
One more note: by the turn of the 19th century ITTL, the Yishuv has had 250 years of practice treating "Israel" as a judicial term. The Land of Israel is where the Sanhedrin has authority to act as supreme court, waqf, and administrator of Jewish education and welfare. That's going to make the Yishuv wary of giving the name "Israel" to any political entity - two Israels with different borders will cause all kinds of legal and possibly even religious confusion, and calling a state or canton Israel could be construed as an admission of the Sanhedrin's jurisdiction. So I'm fairly sure that the Yishuv will continue to call the Tzfat-based canton "Galil," just as they're careful to call the civil governor "nagid" rather than "nasi" or, heaven help us, "melech."
That could create an interesting dynamic down the road. Perhaps what happens is that a secular Republic of Judea - one that includes Acre and other areas considered outside the Land of Israel - gradually supersedes the civil authority of the Sanhedrin. Ironically, we might see such a Republic have its first capital in Acre (before inevitably moving to Jerusalem).
 
One more note: by the turn of the 19th century ITTL, the Yishuv has had 250 years of practice treating "Israel" as a judicial term. The Land of Israel is where the Sanhedrin has authority to act as supreme court, waqf, and administrator of Jewish education and welfare. That's going to make the Yishuv wary of giving the name "Israel" to any political entity - two Israels with different borders will cause all kinds of legal and possibly even religious confusion, and calling a state or canton Israel could be construed as an admission of the Sanhedrin's jurisdiction. So I'm fairly sure that the Yishuv will continue to call the Tzfat-based canton "Galil," just as they're careful to call the civil governor "nagid" rather than "nasi" or, heaven help us, "melech."

Then, IIRC Sanhedrin has jurisdiction over all Eretz Israel, including management of education and welfare, as well as millet court of justice.....but the Nagid oversees tax collection, internal security and conscription of recruits for the amir in time of war, but ONLY within the boundaries of Galil "canton", isn't it?

Will some Nagid powers become more extraterritorial (à la millet etnarch) in the coming years all over Eretz Israel ITTL? For example, he could collect taxes among all Yishuv, and act as military liutenant of the amir in his position as commander of the "Jewish Regiments"
. Perhaps the rising of Farhi dinasty as Nablus viziers would help in this direction.

Regarding official titles, maybe in the end we'll see the consolidation of two offices: "Nagid haMedinah" y "Nasi haSanhedrin" or something like that.
 
Will some Nagid powers become more extraterritorial (à la millet etnarch) in the coming years all over Eretz Israel ITTL? For example, he could collect taxes among all Yishuv, and act as military liutenant of the amir in his position as commander of the "Jewish Regiments"
. Perhaps the rising of Farhi dinasty as Nablus viziers would help in this direction.
This reminds me something that I read some time ago about the role of Armenian meliks under Persian Rule in Erivan...... it was exactly the same, suzerain rulers of a scattered minority
 
Then, IIRC Sanhedrin has jurisdiction over all Eretz Israel, including management of education and welfare, as well as millet court of justice.....but the Nagid oversees tax collection, internal security and conscription of recruits for the amir in time of war, but ONLY within the boundaries of Galil "canton", isn't it?
You're correct about the jurisdictional limits - the Sanhedrin's authority extends throughout Eretz Israel, the nagid's exists only in the eastern Galilee - but the division of powers within the Galilee is more complicated. There are civil courts overseen by the nagid; these exist primarily to try civil crimes and judge disputes between people of different faiths, but individuals can agree by contract to submit their disputes to these courts rather than the Sanhedrin. Policing is primarily the nagid's responsibility as you say, but the Sanhedrin also has a force of shomrim (mentioned in one of the 1765 stories) to enforce its judgments and to do the kind of religious enforcement that requires a touch of muscle, such as beating up husbands who refuse to give their wives a get.

There are constant disputes regarding the boundaries of the Sanhedrin's and the nagid's judicial and police authority. There are arguments over taxation too; the practice since the 1730s has been that the nagid collects both civil and religious taxes and gives the Jewish, Islamic and Christian religious authorities their share, but the Sanhedrin has frequently accused the nagid of skimming off the top. Clean separation of powers isn't something that existed in any premodern government - overlapping magistracies were the rule, not the exception.

The Sanhedrin's powers are actually more untrammeled outside the Galilee than in - both the Ottoman authorities iwho ruled Jerusalem before Napoleon's invasion and the Nabulsi viceroy who has ruled there since the French withdrawal have a more traditional attitude toward letting millets manage themselves.
That could create an interesting dynamic down the road. Perhaps what happens is that a secular Republic of Judea - one that includes Acre and other areas considered outside the Land of Israel - gradually supersedes the civil authority of the Sanhedrin. Ironically, we might see such a Republic have its first capital in Acre (before inevitably moving to Jerusalem).
Will some Nagid powers become more extraterritorial (à la millet etnarch) in the coming years all over Eretz Israel ITTL? For example, he could collect taxes among all Yishuv, and act as military liutenant of the amir in his position as commander of the "Jewish Regiments"
Keep in mind that the "Polish regiment" (which by now is only minority-Polish) is part of the emir's standing army and its officers are appointed by him, as opposed to the Galilean town militias who serve under the nagid. OTOH, the nagid's administration does have a military role when the militias are called up for war (teaser: there's one coming). There are also possibilities for the nagid - or an elected governor who takes the nagid's place, if that happens - to have a role in governing the region if the existing entities develop into a federal state. (I'm not saying that will happen - much of the future remains undecided - but I'm also not saying it won't. And the Sanhedrin's role in a federal state, if one coalesces, could be paradigm-breaking and traditional at the same time.)
 
Keep in mind that the "Polish regiment" (which by now is only minority-Polish)
Speaking of this, how predominant are diasporic identities by this point? For the more recent arrivals like the Yemenites and maybe the poles, I can see self-identification still being that of their countries of diaspora. But wouldn't the more established communities in the eastern Galilee and Acre develop a "tzabar" culture by this point? Do they think of themselves as "Galileans" or even "Israelites", or still refer to themselves by their diasporic origins? (This is also plausible - see the Greeks who kept referring to themselves as Romans for hundreds of years after the ERE fell).

And continuing with this chain of thought, how common are intercommunal marriages in the 1800s Galilee? That is to say, between Jews of different communities (like Yemenites and Ashkenazis, or the African converts and Sephardies). Interfaith marriages (even with groups like Sabbateans) are a long way ahead, I'd assume.
 
But wouldn't the more established communities in the eastern Galilee and Acre develop a "tzabar" culture by this point? Do they think of themselves as "Galileans" or even "Israelites", or still refer to themselves by their diasporic origins? (This is also plausible - see the Greeks who kept referring to themselves as Romans for hundreds of years after the ERE fell).

And if it's the way it is, where do these tzabarim attend religious services? It'd be interesting if a distinct Minhag Galili developes.

Policing is primarily the nagid's responsibility as you say, but the Sanhedrin also has a force of shomrim (mentioned in one of the 1765 stories) to enforce its judgments and to do the kind of religious enforcement that requires a touch of muscle, such as beating up husbands who refuse to give their wives a get.
Oh, my.....! What a bureaucratic mess!! It's surely a nightmare for Yishuv commoners not knowing who they could be arrested by....
 
Speaking of this, how predominant are diasporic identities by this point? For the more recent arrivals like the Yemenites and maybe the poles, I can see self-identification still being that of their countries of diaspora. But wouldn't the more established communities in the eastern Galilee and Acre develop a "tzabar" culture by this point? Do they think of themselves as "Galileans" or even "Israelites", or still refer to themselves by their diasporic origins? (This is also plausible - see the Greeks who kept referring to themselves as Romans for hundreds of years after the ERE fell).

And continuing with this chain of thought, how common are intercommunal marriages in the 1800s Galilee? That is to say, between Jews of different communities (like Yemenites and Ashkenazis, or the African converts and Sephardies). Interfaith marriages (even with groups like Sabbateans) are a long way ahead, I'd assume.
Diasporic identities are still prominent among (1) relatively new arrivals (both on a group and individual basis - a new Italian Jewish immigrant has a far more distinct identity than one whose ancestors were recruited by Joseph Nasi in the 1560s); (2) communities that are geographically or ritually distinct; and (3) aristocratic families - if you're an Abravanel or a Benveniste, for instance, you damn well know where your ancestors came from.

So as of 1800, the Wadi Ara agricultural villages are still pretty Ashkenazi, the Sudanese have remained distinct due to their unique heritage, and the Yemenis and Mughrabis still stand out for their ritual and language. Other than that, though, diasporic identitles are fading. And even those remaining distinctions are being eroded - the nagidah's marriage to a Yemenite rabbi may be a pointed example, but it's not the only one by any means. The term "Yishuv" is already being used ITTL, which was not the case IOTL until the late 19th century, and "Israelite" is also used (as it also was by diaspora Jews during this period). At this point, intercommunal marriages are probably still the minority, but a minority that is large and increasing fast.

Interfaith marriages are, as you say, another matter - stories like Lucien and Salma's are still rare. The one partial exception are Jewish-Samaritan marriages in Nablus, which occurred on occasion IOTL and also happen from time to time ITTL.
And if it's the way it is, where do these tzabarim attend religious services? It'd be interesting if a distinct Minhag Galili developes.
The most common practice is for the wife to attend the synagogue of the husband's family, but by 1800 the flattening of minhagim means there are an growing number of mixed synagogues, that default to the Sephardi nusach (which is the oldest and is most common among the prominent families) but borrow an increasing amount from other traditions, especially the Yemenite.
Oh, my.....! What a bureaucratic mess!! It's surely a nightmare for Yishuv commoners not knowing who they could be arrested by....
OTOH, it means that whoever arrests you, there's someone else to hear your appeal. On a day-to-day basis, the friction is not severe.
If I backdate since i asked the inciting question but the timeline is @Jonathan Edelstein how would the backdate work. Ive done it for the posts now.
Thanks for taking care of that! Can you add this one - call it "the beginning" or "early days" or something similar?
 
THE PLAYBILL JANUARY 1805
THE PLAYBILL
JANUARY 1805

Amsterdam:

The Adath Jeshurun synagogue stood on Rapenburg street, just off the Nieuwe Herengracht canal. On one side was a merchant’s mansion, and on the other was a warehouse; inside, in a room that looked like a bit of both, the leaders of the congregation gathered to discuss a summons.

“A Sanhedrin,” said Carel Asser. “That’s certainly a bold choice.” He himself was a bold choice to be present at this meeting – he was twenty-four years old and had only recently returned from the university at Utrecht. But in the two years he’d been back at Amsterdam, he’d already made a reputation pleading cases in the courts, and he was fast acquiring another one as a man of letters. And he’d been just sixteen when the Batavian Republic, as it then was, had granted full citizenship to its Jews. He’d never known any adult responsibilities other than those of a citizen, and perhaps that qualified him, more than anyone else at the table, to discuss an assembly that would define those responsibilities.

“What remains is our choice,” Yehuda Litwak answered. As his name suggested, Litwak had been born in Vilna, but he’d removed to Berlin in childhood where he’d learned mathematics from Mendelssohn, and later he’d come to Amsterdam to marry. He was a methodical man, and he’d applied his methods both to advocating for emancipation and to building a congregation of outward-looking merchants and professional men. And now, with equal deliberation, he said, “So do we go? And if we do, who do we send?”

What we send is a letter,” said Izak Graanboom, the Chief Rabbi. “Despite all appearances to the contrary, the Batavian Commonwealth isn’t France, and we aren’t Frenchmen. If we take part in a French Sanhedrin, that would be as much as saying that the French Jews can make laws for us…”

“Haven’t we always recognized authorities in other countries?” said Lemon, the medical doctor.

“We always did,” answered Litwak, “but now? We formed this congregation to be Jewish Dutchmen, not Dutch Jews. The rabbi is right, I think. We send our brotherly greetings, nothing more.”

“Ignore France?” said Asser. “Maybe if France agreed to ignore us. But it won’t – not ever, and certainly not under Bonaparte. We may have to live under this Sanhedrin’s laws whether we want to or not.”

Litwak looked like he wanted to argue, but he nodded slowly. There was certainly no denying that the French Emperor looked on Holland more as a subject than an ally; even now, he was demanding that the French Navy be given control of customs in the Dutch ports. Not even the most ardent Dutch patriot could deny the possibility that the French Sanhedrin’s writ might one day extend to Amsterdam.

“So we go, then. And the summons is calling for lay delegates as well as rabbis – that means Bonaparte wants a parliament, not a court. So you, then, Asser. You’re the one who makes speeches. You will lead.”

Maybe, Litwak thought, it would all be for the best. After all, who had been thinking about the duties of Jews as citizens, and who had been preparing for those duties, longer than the Jews of Holland? If Bonaparte wanted answers on what was required of emancipated Jews, then maybe he would accept the Dutch answers. And young Asser would need guidance, but he was as well placed to give those answers as anyone.
_______​

Mantua:

Two letters were waiting for Rabbi Abraham Vita de Cologna at the Scuola Grande synagogue. The first informed him that he had been appointed to the Collegio dei Dotti, the College of Scholars, one of the three bodies that selected the legislators and commissioners of the Italian Republic. The second, bearing the seal of the French Emperor, gave notice that the Italian Jews’ request to send delegates to the Sanhedrin had been approved and that he was summoned to the opening meeting.

“What would our fathers have said, Montini?” he asked, showing the synagogue’s caretaker the letters. “Seven years ago we were all behind ghetto walls, and now this.”

“As to my father, signor, I don’t know, but I am certain that your father wouldn’t have been surprised in the slightest. He kept a close eye on what was happening in the world. He saw freedom rising, and he knew it would someday come to us.”

“Freedom, but what kind?” Vita walked to the doorway of the office and looked out to the sanctuary and the platform at its head; it would be in just such a room, most likely, that Napoleon’s Sanhedrin would meet. The kind of freedom on which the Sanhedrin decided would be particularly important here, in a city that had locked the gates of the Jewish quarter at night until just seven years before.

All the same, he thought, we’ve been facing that choice longer than many. Ever since Joseph Nasi had come to recruit immigrants from the Italian Jews, a few of Mantua’s Jews had made the journey to Acre every year. And every year, about half that number returned. There was the freedom that the Holy Land offered, and there was another freedom in what was homely and familiar, and those who would change the customs of their home would do well to consider carefully what they were changing.

Maybe this Sanhedrin – presumptuous as the name was – will be a chance. The true Sanhedrin, the one in the Holy Land, had little to say about the place of Jews in an enlightened state, because it didn’t sit in an enlightened state. The coffee-house scholars of Acre and Tzfat might write their essays and send their correspondence, but government there was still a matter of tradition, custom and personal loyalty, and the issue of what Jews’ duties were as citizens of a non-Jewish commonwealth wasn’t one that the Galilean or Yerushalmi rabbis had much occasion to consider.

The Paris Sanhedrin would be much different. It would be a danger, yes – the freedom Bonaparte gave to his parliaments was, as Vita had already seen, often more a matter of theory than practice. But so many prominent men in the same room talking about the duties of citizens – that was certain to yield something useful, wasn’t it?

Maybe it would yield a freedom that Mantua’s Jews wouldn’t feel compelled to leave.
_______​

Berlin:

“It will be a spectacle for the Paris mob, at least,” said David Friedländer. “The caricaturists, the doggerel-writers – by the end, the gentry will be taking bets on it like the horse-races.”

“You don’t think anything useful will come of it?” asked Jakob Bartholdy. Jakob was Friedländer’s nephew through the latter’s marriage into the Itzig merchant family; Napoleon’s Sanhedrin was no longer of direct concern to him since his conversion to Christianity, but he remained close with his Jewish family and maintained friendships in the city’s Jewish intellectual circles. He was an army officer, a patron of the arts, a man of property, and he still devoted some of that property to the cause of Jewish emancipation.

“The Emperor’s Sanhedrin will be as useless as the Rambam’s. It has the same limits. The Rambam’s Sanhedrin administers the Mosaic law without thought; the Emperor’s will consider how one may observe both the Mosaic law and the law of France, which is almost the same thing. Because if it did think the matter through, it would have to conclude that one cannot.”

Bartholdy nodded; such an opinion was to be expected from one who had, six years before, written an open letter calling Jewish ritual obsolete and urging Jews to accept “dry baptism.” Bartholdy could hardly condemn that letter, not when he himself had accepted baptism of the traditional sort, but he found it curious that he saw the coming Sanhedrin as potentially liberating where his still-Jewish uncle saw it merely as a way of perpetuating backwardness.

“In Acre, they read Spinoza and then they dance under the stars,” Friedländer went on, “and this, in the end, is no different.” He raised the glass of wine that sat on the table – kosher wine; habit was still habit – and sipped while he thought. “To emancipate the Jews, we must first be emancipated from ourselves. The law of Moses and the citizenship of Europe are two separate masters. One cannot serve both, and if Bonaparte’s Jews try, they will fail.”
_______​

Lyady, Russian Empire:

“Jews cannot serve two masters!” thundered Rabbi Shneur Zalman. “There is only Ribono Shel Olam. We do not obey Ribono Shel Tzarfat!”

Mendel, the messenger who’d brought the letter, cowered; he knew Shneur Zalman’s anger wasn’t aimed at him, but it was still an anger terrifying in its force. And it was even more so when the rabbi mocked an emperor. Ribono Shel Tzarfat, the Master of France, was indeed not the Master of the Universe, but his name was one to conjure with even in the domain of his enemy. And who was to say that Rabbi Shneur Zalman couldn’t put a curse on him even here?

Mendel would not want to be on the receiving end of a curse from the Baal ha-Tanya.

“The mitnagdim are saying that this is welcome,” said Chaim, one of the rabbi’s sons. “That the Sanhedrin will decree the liberation of all Jews from oppression, and that Bonaparte will free the Jews in all the countries he conquers.”

“The mitnagdim,” answered Shneur Zalman with scorn. “They know as much of Bonaparte as they do of the Name. He is a godless emperor and will lead the Jews who follow him into godlessness.”

“Rav Molcho of Jerusalem did support him,” said Chaim carefully. Molcho had been the unwitting cause of much trouble for Shneur Zalman; his support for Napoleon’s conquest of Jerusalem had given the mitnagdim what they needed to charge that Shneur Zalman’s collection of funds for the Hasidim of that city was treason. Twice Shneur Zalman had been arrested and imprisoned by the Tsar’s procurators, the second time for a full year.

But the thunder had gone from the rabbi’s voice, and rather than berating Chaim, he considered the example carefully. “There is a difference,” he said at last. “Bonaparte wanted nothing from Rav Molcho other than his obedience, and that of the Jews of Jerusalem. Obedience we can give to any ruler, even the Turk. But from the Jews of France and Italy – soon, from the Jews of all Europe – he wants more. He wants to change them, reshape them in his image, and this false Sanhedrin will be his tool. No Jew should want emancipation at that price.”

The rabbi sank into a chair and imagined what someone like Mendel – who had, in the interim, fled the room – might become if, in ignorance, he gave heed to Bonaparte’s rabbis. The mitnagdim, at least, were Jews; Bonaparte’s followers would not be even that. They would become as the men of Acre who prayed as Judah the Pious had done but who read Spinoza and held that science could disprove dogma; maybe they would even stop praying.

“Molcho declared herem everyone who opposed Bonaparte,” he said. “I will declare herem anyone who follows him. His Sanhedrin is of no force. If the mitnagdim follow him, we will contend with them, and if he spreads its doctrines with his armies, we will fight him.”

“Fight him for the Tsar?” asked Chaim.

“We will fight him with the Tsar, perhaps.” Shneur Zalman closed his eyes and considered the man who’d twice imprisoned him as a traitor. “But we will fight him for the Name.”
_______
Acre:

Suleiman Tasa was still, in name, the editor of ha-Shaliach, but he’d reached his threescore and ten and no longer spent much time at the presses. He spent his mornings in study and prayer, and on pleasant afternoons like this one, he sat on the harbor wall and looked out at the sea. The ships weren’t far, and if there was news, they would tell him.

There was news today.

The sailor with a letter in his hand had been in the Royal Navy during the siege five years past; he’d sailed on a merchantman since Amiens and still came to Acre often. He knew Suleiman well and called his name.

“Come sit, Jemmy,” Suleiman said, thinking again of how foreign that name was both to Sana’a where he’d been born and to the land where he lived now. He’d learned some English during the siege, and his tongue remembered how to shape the words. “Someone out there remembers me?”

“Not you, sir, but it’s addressed to the Jews of the Holy Land, and you’re the first one of those I’ve seen since we got into port, begging your pardon.”

“Nothing to pardon,” Suleiman answered with the easy laughter of seventy years. He decided not to explain the finer points of which cities were in the Land of Israel and which were not. “A letter to all of us, with Bonaparte’s seal on it? He’s tried that before.”

“None of my affair, but the captain said I’m to deliver it, sir.”

“It will be in my hands,” said Suleiman, giving Jemmy half a piaster – it was more than the usual fee, but at Suleiman’s age, what else did he have to spend it on? He accepted the sailor’s thanks and rose from the wall, unsealing the letter as he made his way back to the city streets. By the time he’d finished reading, halfway to the kollel katan, he knew that this would be a working day after all.

“Miriam!” he called as he entered. She was still working the presses as she’d done since before the siege; she’d marry soon, surely, but in the meantime, she set type as quickly as any of the apprentice boys and twice as well.

“This is addressed to all of us,” he said, putting the letter on the table, “so we’ll publish it – every word of it. And after you set the type, take it to the post-riders’ stable – you know where it is – and give the next rider for Tzfat a piaster to deliver it to the Or Tamid. Tell him to give it to the Nasi personally.” He laughed again. “I think it might interest him.”
 
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THE PLAYBILL
JANUARY 1805

Amsterdam:

The Adath Jeshurun synagogue stood on Rapenburg street, just off the Nieuwe Herengracht canal. On one side was a merchant’s mansion, and on the other was a warehouse; inside, in a room that looked like a bit of both, the leaders of the congregation gathered to discuss a summons.

“A Sanhedrin,” said Carel Asser. “That’s certainly a bold choice.” He himself was a bold choice to be present at this meeting – he was twenty-four years old and had only recently returned from the university at Utrecht. But in the two years he’d been back at Amsterdam, he’d already made a reputation pleading cases in the courts, and he was fast acquiring another one as a man of letters. And he’d been just sixteen when the Batavian Republic, as it then was, had granted full citizenship to its Jews. He’d never known any adult responsibilities other than those of a citizen, and perhaps that qualified him, more than anyone else at the table, to discuss an assembly that would define those responsibilities.

“What remains is our choice,” Yehuda Litwak answered. As his name suggested, Litwak had been born in Vilna, but he’d removed to Berlin in childhood where he’d learned mathematics from Mendelssohn, and later he’d come to Amsterdam to marry. He was a methodical man, and he’d applied his methods both to advocating for emancipation and to building a congregation of outward-looking merchants and professional men. And now, with equal deliberation, he said, “So do we go? And if we do, who do we send?”

What we send is a letter,” said Izak Graanboom, the Chief Rabbi. “Despite all appearances to the contrary, the Batavian Commonwealth isn’t France, and we aren’t Frenchmen. If we take part in a French Sanhedrin, that would be as much as saying that the French Jews can make laws for us…”

“Haven’t we always recognized authorities in other countries?” said Lemon, the medical doctor.

“We always did,” answered Litwak, “but now? We formed this congregation to be Jewish Dutchmen, not Dutch Jews. The rabbi is right, I think. We send our brotherly greetings, nothing more.”

“Ignore France?” said Asser. “Maybe if France agreed to ignore us. But it won’t – not ever, and certainly not under Bonaparte. We may have to live under this Sanhedrin’s laws whether we want to or not.”

Litwak looked like he wanted to argue, but he nodded slowly. There was certainly no denying that the French Emperor looked on Holland more as a subject than an ally; even now, he was demanding that the French Navy be given control of customs in the Dutch ports. Not even the most ardent Dutch patriot could deny the possibility that the French Sanhedrin’s writ might one day extend to Amsterdam.

“So we go, then. And the summons is calling for lay delegates as well as rabbis – that means Bonaparte wants a parliament, not a court. So you, then, Asser. You’re the one who makes speeches. You will lead.”

Maybe, Litwak thought, it would all be for the best. After all, who had been thinking about the duties of Jews as citizens, and who had been preparing for those duties, longer than the Jews of Holland? If Bonaparte wanted answers on what was required of emancipated Jews, then maybe he would accept the Dutch answers. And young Asser would need guidance, but he was as well placed to give those answers as anyone.
_______​
Litwak is not a Herzl reference or is that just me being primed to associate Litwak with der altneuland
_______​

Berlin:

“It will be a spectacle for the Paris mob, at least,” said David Friedländer. “The caricaturists, the doggerel-writers – by the end, the gentry will be taking bets on it like the horse-races.”

“You don’t think anything useful will come of it?” asked Jakob Bartholdy. Jakob was Friedländer’s nephew through the latter’s marriage into the Itzig merchant family; Napoleon’s Sanhedrin was no longer of direct concern to him since his conversion to Christianity, but he remained close with his Jewish family and maintained friendships in the city’s Jewish intellectual circles. He was an army officer, a patron of the arts, a man of property, and he still devoted some of that property to the cause of Jewish emancipation.

“The Emperor’s Sanhedrin will be as useless as the Rambam’s. It has the same limits. The Rambam’s Sanhedrin administers the Mosaic law without thought; the Emperor’s will consider how one may observe both the Mosaic law and the law of France, which is almost the same thing. Because if it did think the matter through, it would have to conclude that one cannot.”

Bartholdy nodded; such an opinion was to be expected from one who had, six years before, written an open letter calling Jewish ritual obsolete and urging Jews to accept “dry baptism.” Bartholdy could hardly condemn that letter, not when he himself had accepted baptism of the traditional sort, but he found it curious that he saw the coming Sanhedrin as potentially liberating where his still-Jewish uncle saw it merely as a way of perpetuating backwardness.

“In Acre, they read Spinoza and then they dance under the stars,” Friedländer went on, “and this, in the end, is no different.” He raised the glass of wine that sat on the table – kosher wine; habit was still habit – and sipped while he thought. “To emancipate the Jews, we must first be emancipated from ourselves. The law of Moses and the citizenship of Europe are two separate masters. One cannot serve both, and if Bonaparte’s Jews try, they will fail.”
_______​
Is this proto Hess\proto Arendt paradox of the Parvenu
Lyady, Russian Empire:

“Jews cannot serve two masters!” thundered Rabbi Shneur Zalman. “There is only Ribono Shel Olam. We do not obey Ribono Shel Tzarfat!”

Mendel, the messenger who’d brought the letter, cowered; he knew Shneur Zalman’s anger wasn’t aimed at him, but it was still an anger terrifying in its force. And it was even more so when the rabbi mocked an emperor. Ribono Shel Tzarfat, the Master of France, was indeed not the Master of the Universe, but his name was one to conjure with even in the domain of his enemy. And who was to say that Rabbi Shneur Zalman couldn’t put a curse on him even here?

Mendel would not want to be on the receiving end of a curse from the Baal ha-Tanya.

“The mitnagdim are saying that this is welcome,” said Chaim, one of the rabbi’s sons. “That the Sanhedrin will decree the liberation of all Jews from oppression, and that Bonaparte will free the Jews in all the countries he conquers.”

“The mitnagdim,” answered Shneur Zalman with scorn. “They know as much of Bonaparte as they do of the Name. He is a godless emperor and will lead the Jews who follow him into godlessness.”

“Rav Molcho of Jerusalem did support him,” said Chaim carefully. Molcho had been the unwitting cause of much trouble for Shneur Zalman; his support for Napoleon’s conquest of Jerusalem had given the mitnagdim what they needed to charge that Shneur Zalman’s collection of funds for the Hasidim of that city was treason. Twice Shneur Zalman had been arrested and imprisoned by the Tsar’s procurators, the second time for a full year.

But the thunder had gone from the rabbi’s voice, and rather than berating Chaim, he considered the example carefully. “There is a difference,” he said at last. “Bonaparte wanted nothing from Rav Molcho other than his obedience, and that of the Jews of Jerusalem. Obedience we can give to any ruler, even the Turk. But from the Jews of France and Italy – soon, from the Jews of all Europe – he wants more. He wants to change them, reshape them in his image, and this false Sanhedrin will be his tool. No Jew should want emancipation at that price.”
Mutual cherem is interesting
The rabbi sank into a chair and imagined what someone like Mendel – who had, in the interim, fled the room – might become if, in ignorance, he gave heed to Bonaparte’s rabbis. The mitnagdim, at least, were Jews; Bonaparte’s followers would not be even that. They would become as the men of Acre who prayed as Judah the Pious had done but who read Spinoza and held that science could disprove dogma; maybe they would even stop praying.

“Molcho declared herem everyone who opposed Bonaparte,” he said. “I will declare herem anyone who follows him. His Sanhedrin is of no force. If the mitnagdim follow him, we will contend with them, and if he spreads its doctrines with his armies, we will fight him.”

“Fight him for the Tsar?” asked Chaim.

“We will fight him with the Tsar, perhaps.” Shneur Zalman closed his eyes and considered the man who’d twice imprisoned him as a traitor. “But we will fight him for the Name.”\
_______
So Chabad still is antimodern and arrested. The Parvenu paradox
“This is addressed to all of us,” he said, putting the letter on the table, “so we’ll publish it – every word of it. And after you set the type, take it to the post-riders’ stable – you know where it is – and give the next rider for Tzfat a piaster to deliver it to the Or Tamid. Tell him to give it to the Nasi personally.” He laughed again. “I think it might interest him.”
The Eternal Light?
 
Litwak is not a Herzl reference or is that just me being primed to associate Litwak with der altneuland
All four of the people in the Amsterdam part of the update are historical members of Adath Jeshurun Amsterdam, and three (Asser, Litwak and Lemon) are the ones who attended the Napoleonic Sanhedrin IOTL. Litwak was in fact a mathematician and later a member of a mathematical society of Dutch Jews. I'm getting the most out of the butterfly net for the period (including the birth and upbringing of the four characters) that it was in effect.
Is this proto Hess\proto Arendt paradox of the Parvenu
The views that Friedländer expresses are similar to those he expressed in a 1799 open letter IOTL, which was not well received among the German maskilim whose circle he was part of. And yes it is the paradox of the parvenu, although he would not have considered it such.
So Chabad still is antimodern and arrested.
As I mentioned before, I figured the arrests would still happen - if anything, the existence of a self-governing Jewish community in the Galilee and the Yerushalmi Jews' support for Napoleon would make Chabad's fundraising more suspicious to the precursors of the Okhrana. And there is nothing that a mystic intellectual like R. Shneur Zalman would consider more threatening than modern, secular intellectualism.
The Eternal Light?
It's the Al Azhar-type academy/proto-university that we discussed in some of the prior comments; it's an institution of the Sanhedrin although it already possesses some identity and culture of its own.
what are the rules for someone who starts a timeline but abandons it to another with Turtledoves
I wouldn't presume to say - there aren't any specific rules and I don't think the situation has come up before, so follow your conscience. (I will presume to say, though, that the threadmark might be in the wrong place.)
 
All four of the people in the Amsterdam part of the update are historical members of Adath Jeshurun Amsterdam, and three (Asser, Litwak and Lemon) are the ones who attended the Napoleonic Sanhedrin IOTL. Litwak was in fact a mathematician and later a member of a mathematical society of Dutch Jews. I'm getting the most out of the butterfly net for the period (including the birth and upbringing of the four characters) that it was in effect.
what branch did he study?
The views that Friedländer expresses are similar to those he expressed in a 1799 open letter IOTL, which was not well received among the German maskilim whose circle he was part of. And yes it is the paradox of the parvenu, although he would not have considered it such.

As I mentioned before, I figured the arrests would still happen - if anything, the existence of a self-governing Jewish community in the Galilee and the Yerushalmi Jews' support for Napoleon would make Chabad's fundraising more suspicious to the precursors of the Okhrana. And there is nothing that a mystic intellectual like R. Shneur Zalman would consider more threatening than modern, secular intellectualism.

It's the Al Azhar-type academy/proto-university that we discussed in some of the prior comments; it's an institution of the Sanhedrin although it already possesses some identity and culture of its own.
its a good name
I wouldn't presume to say - there aren't any specific rules and I don't think the situation has come up before, so follow your conscience. (I will presume to say, though, that the threadmark might be in the wrong place.)
fixed
 
Mr. Zalman would do better to worry about the ideas of Germans like Friedlander as opposed to the far-away French.

An overt Tsarist backing for chasids against the more orthodox mitnagdim would be interesting. I could see the chiefs of the rabbinic dynasties melding into the state structure akin to the leaders of other Russian subject-peoples
 
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