The Unexpected: In the time of Louis XII's heir

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November 1514-July 1515: Time of pregnancy

In December 1514, Louis XII learned that his new wife, Mary of England, was pregnant. This was good news for him as he hoped to have an heir to succeed him on the throne after the death of his previous sons from his marriage to Anne of Brittany. Unfortunately, his frail health failed him in the last days of December and he died on 1 January 1515.
While awaiting the birth of his child, his presumptive heir, François d'Angoulême, became regent, as Mary was unable to assume this role due to her pregnancy. This was the second time that the kingdom of France had experienced a pregnancy regency since that of Clementia of Hungary in 1316.

Francis was now the most powerful man in France. Not only was he the presumptive heir, but he also controlled the Duchy of Valois by virtue of his status as heir and the Duchy of Brittany jure uxoris in the name of his wife, Claude de France, the daughter of Louis XII and Anne de Bretagne. This provoked protests from the Breton lords who denounced the non-respect of Anne of Brittany's marriage contract with the previous king since it stipulated that Renée de France, Claude's younger sister, was to inherit the duchy. These protests didn't last because of Francis' position of power and the possibility that Mary giving birth to a son could nullify this condition as it only applied if Claude of France became Queen of France.

During his regency, Francis ruled in order to strengthen his position and to prove to others that he would be a great king. And if Mary gives birth to a son, he will be powerful enough to be part of the regency, ideally in the same position, if not as an advisor. To achieve this, he confirmed the creation of the Parliament of Normandy, appointed his brother-in-law, Charles IV of Alencon, as governor of Normandy, and raised taxes or sell land to his relatives and friends to resolve debts arising from the Italian wars and aggravated by his predecessor's tax cuts. This also enabled him to strengthen his position through a network of allies. In the same vein, he appointed Antoine Duprat as chancellor.

On the diplomatic front, Francis adopted a moderate stance to reassure the various sovereigns, especially in Italy. The former members of the Holy League welcomed the news of Mary's pregnancy and the establishment of the regency in the kingdom of France with relief, as it stopped French ambitions in Italy for a time. All hoped for the birth of a son: this would mean a longer regency and less French influence in Italy. This respite was beneficial for Maximilian Sforza, Duke of Milan, as it allowed him to marry Bona Sforza, his cousin, to strengthen his legitimacy as Duke of Milan. For others, on the other hand, the French regency was a disaster, even if they hoped to see Francis become king : Venice and Navarre. Charles of Ghent sent representatives to ask the regent to recognise his claim to the Spanish crowns. The result was the Treaty of Paris which signed an alliance between Francis and Charles of Ghent, the former recognising the latter's claim to Spain, while Charles recognised Francis' claim to Milan if the latter became King of France.
Francis also confirmed the Treaty of London of August 1514 in order to maintain good relations with England. The English king, Henry VIII, watched the French situation with interest as his sister could give birth to the future king of France.
Francis allowed John II Stuart, Duke of Albany, to return to Scotland to take up his position as Regent for James V, as having an ally in Scotland was strategic for the heir apparent to the French crown, if only to maintain the Auld Alliance against England. He arrived in his native land in June 1515 and managed to fortify his position, despite Margaret Tudor's defiance of him, who took refuge in Stirling.​

 

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1515-1518: Birth of the heir and "Dual Regency"

Mary gave birth to a son in late July 1515 at the castle of Blois. He was named Charles in honour of Louis XII's father, although some malicious tongues suggest that it was in honour of Charles Brandon, Duke of Suffolk, who had accompanied the young English princess to her wedding and for whom she had had some affectionate feelings. Because of the circumstances of his birth, the young son of Louis XII was first known as Charles the Posthumous, Dieudonné or the Miraculous. As the heir of Louis XII, he is Charles IX of France. The infant king was christened at Easter 1516 in Rheims Cathedral. His godfathers were Francis of Angouleme and Henry VIII of England, while Anne of Beaujeu, Charles VIII's sister and former regent, was his godmother. His official christening was one of the major events of the decade as the christening of a new king was something exceptional. Many French lords, but also representatives of neighbouring kingdoms, attended.
The birth of Charles IX meant that François of Angouleme remained presumptive heir to the crown, which contributed to his and his mother's frustration. Francis became jure uxoris Francis III of Brittany and set about developing his links with the Breton lords.​

Francis III of Brittany remained regent for the first few months after the birth of Charles IX, taking advantage of the dowager queen's weak influence, her lack of preparation for royal responsibilities and the fact that Louis XII had appointed him regent on his deathbed. In the months following the birth of the king, the regent continued to pursue the policy he had established since the death of Louis XII.
However, the birth of her son forced Mary to take an interest in her political responsibilities. She is encouraged to do so by her brother through his ambassador, Thomas Boleyn. She was helped to learn about her responsibilities by meeting Charles of Bourbon-Montpensier and his wife Suzanne of Bourbon, who brought her into contact with Anne of Beaujeu, Suzanne's mother. The exchanges with the latter allowed her to obtain political advice. These meetings, which took place in the last months of 1515, enabled her to build up a network of allies, all the more precious as the Bourbons were very vigilant with regard to the ambitions of the Valois-Angouleme clan. This development of influence was partly hindered by the return of his English ladies-in-waiting, notably Lady Guildford, as some members of the royal court did not look kindly on the arrival of Englishmen.
At the beginning of 1516, Mary confronted Francis III to obtain the regency of her son. Important discussions ensued, as the presumptive heir was unwilling to easily give up the position , considering himself legitimate for the position. Refusing to give in because of her independent character, the young dowager queen threatened to appeal to the General Estates to obtain the position of regent. The confrontation between the two main figures of the kingdom was described by contemporaries as the "Regents Dispute". As the solemn baptism of Charles IX approached, the dispute became much more heated, while Mary received the support of her brother, even if this support was rather symbolic. A compromise was reached between the two: Mary became regent after the baptism of her son. In return, Francis continued to play an important role in the regency and was confirmed as Duke of Valois, the title he had held as presumptive heir to Louis XII. In this compromise, the royal council as Francis had established it during his regency was maintained, allowing Antoine Duprat in particular to remain chancellor of the kingdom.
After the christening of Charles IX at Easter 1516, Mary officially became regent and recognised in this position by the Parliament of Paris in April 1516. In doing so, she also had responsibility for Renée de France, her daughter-in-law. Her first years as regent were difficult, as she had to deal with Francis, whose influence and charisma allowed him to have a leading role at court. This regency was nicknamed the "Dual Regency" by contemporaries and saw the development of rivalry between the two most important figures in the kingdom. Her minor position as regent forced Mary to develop her network of allies at court, seeking out all those who were defiant against the Valois-Angouleme House. She could count on the support of the Bourbons, who were wary of the influence and ambition of the Valois-Angouleme, especially of Louise of Savoy's claims to the duchy of Bourbonnais. Nevertheless, the position of the Bourbons was strenghtened with the birth of three children between 1516 and 1518: Peter, who died in infancy, Mary and Louis.
The dowager queen also developed an important correspondence with Anne of Beaujeu, whose advice and influence enabled her to develop the skills necessary for the regency. She was also able to draw on the support of her brother's representatives, even if this aroused the hostility of some members of the royal court who tended to join the Valois-Angouleme clan. Beyond the court, Mary developed relationships through her allies among lords, clerics and notables. The development of her influence and the strengthening of her position as regent contributed to fuel the rivalry with Francis III of Brittany. The opposition was aggravated by Mary of England's distrust of Louise of Savoy because of the latter's strong ambition.
In addition to her position as regent, which she had to consolidate, Mary was concerned for her son and wanted him to grow up, instructing the king's first physician, William Cop, to ensure his good health.

The rivalry between Mary and Francis was expressed in various fields, but mainly in the cultural life of the court, as both had a great appreciation of art. The dowager queen and the presumptive heir to the throne were to engage in a competition, each seeking to develop their influence through the patronage of important painters, sculptors, musicians and thinkers. Although the royal court benefited from Italian influence as a result of the Italian wars between 1494 and 1514, the rivalry between the dowager queen and the presumptive heir to the throne contributed to the prestige and dynamism of French culture by establishing specific characteristics in painting, architecture, music and sculpture. Marie's singing and dancing skills earned her the nickname of "Trouvere Queen". In addition to this, there are the inspirations used to develop their styles: Francis drew a lot of inspiration from Italian culture, while Mary developed a style that mixed English and French influences while taking advantage of the Italian influence. These styles and influences are reflected in the official portraits and the decoration of the palaces and castles occupied by the two people. Thus, Mary renovated and decorated the Louvre, Blois or Fontainebleau, which became her main residence, while Francis began to renovate the family castle of Cognac, but also the Castle of the Dukes of Brittany in Nantes, although in the latter case, this renovation was also aimed at gaining the support and loyalty of the Breton vassals.

The rivalry between Francis III of Brittany and Mary was however less strong in the financial field. Mary retained many of the decisions taken by Francis, particularly concerning the increase in taxes. She however abandoned the sale of lands as she did not want to further despoil the royal estate. Although she had to deal with the more protectionist views supported by Antoine Duprat and Francis, the dowager queen sought to assert herself and was inspired in particular by the policies of her father, Henry VII. She thus promoted support for trade and the application of the Morton's Fork: a charity tax that played on the fact that a person could afford benevolence both if they lived modestly because they were 'saving' and if they lived extravagantly and therefore had the financial means to show benevolence. The Morton's Fork approach is endorsed as a form of practical application of Christian charity to the Christian sovereign . Mary's support of trade was more difficult to implement, although the memory of Charles VII's policy was refered to justify the approach. On the one hand, Antoine Duprat favoured a protectionist policy and was supported by Francis. On the other hand, the dowager queen and the presumptive heir strongly disagreed on the main trading partner: Mary favoured trade with England and Flanders, while Francis defended trade with the Italian peninsula, as this would allow France to retain some influence in the region. Mary had to deal with the considerable influence of Francis III of Brittany, which led to a certain protectionism being maintained. Nevertheless, trade with neighbouring territories was gradually enhanced, not least because of the regent's growing influence in the following years. The development of trade policy led to the regency granting privileges to cities that would contribute to trade. This also led to the foundation of Le Havre in the autumn of 1517, as Harfleur was becoming increasingly silted up. The foundation of the new port also allowed the strategic use of the Seine estuary. The development of trade led to the development of the French merchant fleet, especially in the Channel, in order to trade with England.

The rivalry between the dowager queen and the presumptive heir to the crown was also expressed in the diplomatic field, although it was also complex in its expression.
Francis and Mary agreed that the alliance with Henry VIII of England should be maintained, as Charles IX's birth consolidating it. This was reflected in the choice of Henry VIII as godfather to the newborn child, but also in Mary's support for the policy of her brother and of Thomas Wolsey, namely the search for the establishment of perpetual peace between the different sovereigns of Christendom. These combined efforts culminated in the signing of the Treaty of London in September 1517. On this occasion, Henry VIII returned Tournai to the kingdom of France, although he had taken it during the war of the League of Cambrai in 1513.
On the other hand, the dowager queen and the presumptive heir to the crown were in deep disagreement over Scotland. Francis defended Albany's right to be regent because he had been chosen by his peers, and the need to honour the Auld Alliance. Mary is more cautious: while she recognises the importance of the Auld Alliance, she does not want to see the relationship with England being soured by the alliance, which might suggest that France and Scotland are trying to encircle her brother's kingdom. She is also more sensitive to her sister's claims as they are in similar situations. Her sister's situation makes her aware of the risks she runs if she allows her emotions to sway her when she should be looking after her son's interests. The Treaty of London of September 1517 partly solved the problem, while the Treaty of Calais signed in November 1517 established peaceful relations between the kingdoms of France, England and Scotland.
With regard to Italy, Mary will pursue a policy of conciliation in order to reassure the Italian states and the papacy after the years of wars in the Peninsula. While Francis was aware that a new war in Italy was not available in the short term, he supported the idea of maintaining influence over Milan and Genoa and finding an ally and partner with Venice. While his views on the subject were dominant in the first two years of the regency, they somewhat daded as Mary learned to emancipate her regency from his influence. By 1518, the regency had developed its relations with Genoa and found an ally and economic partner in Venice. Relations with the Duchy of Milan improved, especially with the recognition of Maximilian Sforza as legitimate duke in March 1516 with the Treaty of Carpentras which formalised the end of war of the League of Cambrai. The regency also developed relations with the duchy of Savoy, as Duke Charles III felt less threatened by the dowager queen than by the presumptive heir whose mother, Louise of Savoy, was a pretender to his title as his half-sister.
The relationship between the French regency and the papacy was more ambiguous. On the one hand, the end of the war of the League of Cambrai and the weakening of French influence in the peninsula allowed for an improvement in relations, confirmed by the treaty of Carpentras. But on the other hand, a dispute existed between the two powers with the decisions of the fifth Council of Lateran, completed in 1516. This council denounced the Pragmatic Sanction of Bourges and demanded its abolition, reaffirming moreover the superiority of the pope over the council in religious matters. During the first years of the regency, the question of the Pragmatic Sanction of Bourges was dodged, because of the strong opposition of the parliaments to its abrogation. The parliaments and the so-called Gallican clergy also demanded a better application of the Pragmatic Sanction. In order to secure her position and strengthen her influence, Mary agreed to a better application of the Pragmatic Sanction, which aroused the anger of Leo X. Negotiations however continued in order to find a compromise that would satisfy both parties.
The regency also renewed ties with the Swiss cantons, particularly those in the west, although these ties were mainly diplomatic and economic due to the absence of war and the important influence of the Cardinal and Prince-Bishop of Sion, Matthias Schiner, who remained rather hostile to the French.
With regard to relations with the Habsburgs, Mary applied the same policy as Francis III of Brittany, preferring to maintain good relations with Charles of Ghent and Maximilian I of Habsburg. This approach was reinforced by the death of Ferdinand II of Arago in January 1516, which saw Charles of Ghent becoming Charles I in March of the same year. In the same vein, the regent agreed to sign a treaty of alliance in 1516 with Charles and Maximilian, officially intended against the Turks. Finally, with the Treaty of London in 1517, Mary recognised the Spanish claim to Naples and their domination of Upper Navarre.

 

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1515-1518: The new political balance in Christendom
The birth of Charles IX and the regency of Mary had an impact on the political balance of Christendom. The fragile balance that had been established with the end of the confrontations of the War of the League of Cambrai in 1514 was reinforced with the extension of the French regency.

The Habsburgs were among those who benefited most from the French situation, as they had no serious rivals for at least a decade or two. This allowed them to consolidate their power and influence in Europe, especially in Italy and Spain when Charles of Ghent became King of Arago and Castile in the spring of 1516. Maximilian I took advantage of the situation to strengthen his position in Verona, a place he had taken from Venice in 1509. He created the Duchy of Verona in February 1518, which allowed him to establish a foothold in the Italian peninsula. It also enabled him to achieve several political successes on the matrimonial front : at the Congress of Vienna in July 1515, the emperor succeeded in obtaining the engagement of Mary of Habsburg to Louis II of Hungary, while Anne, the Hungarian king's sister, was destined for Charles of Ghent or his brother Ferdinand. And in September 1518, his niece, Susanna of Bavaria, married Sigismund I of Poland and Lithuania. The emperor also supported Pope Leo X's plan for an expedition against the Ottoman Empire, and in 1518 he was preparing a military campaign to seize Constantinople.
Charles of Ghent strengthened his ties with France, but also followed the advice of his aunt, Margaret of Austria, and built up ties with England. His diplomatic efforts culminated in the Treaty of Dover in February 1518, which was a continuation of the Treaty of Eternal Peace signed in London the previous autumn. The treaty saw him become an ally of the French regency and Henry VIII, while a promise of betrothal between him and Renee of France was accepted. His position was strengthened when he succeeded his grandfather Ferdinand II of Aragon in March 1516, although officially he did so jointly with his mother, Joanna the Mad. As he consolidated his position, he strengthened his diplomatic relations through the Treaty of London and the various alliance treaties signed with Maximilian I, the French regency and Henry VIII between 1516 and 1518. He also supported Pope Leo X's plan for a military expedition against the Turks and began to prepare a campaign against Sultan Selim I with Maximilian I in 1518.
Before his death, Ferdinand II of Arago benefited from the French succession, which gave him the opportunity to force the Navarrese to recognise his control of Upper Navarre. The death of Catherine I of Navarre in February 1517 and the arrival on the throne of Henry II helped to create a new dynamic between Navarre and France : Henry II forged links with Francis III of Brittany in order to develop influence in the court of the regent, which he hoped would enable him to find in the dowager queen or Charles IX a valuable ally that would enable him to recover Upper Navarre in the future.

In England, the birth of Charles IX was greeted by Henry VIII with joy and envy: he was pleased to see his favourite sister having a son as King of France, but it reminded him that he had no heir despite his wife's four pregnancies since their marriage in 1509. The birth of Charles IX affected his plans as the existence of a nephew at the head of the French kingdom further weakened his dreams of military glory on the continent. The birth of his daughter Marie in February 1516 somewhat eased his bitterness and jealousy, even though he still had no male heir. The fact that he was chosen to be one of the godparents of the young French king led him to travel to France, becoming the first English king to be in Reims. He took great pride in this, proud to have managed to go to one of the high places of French royalty unlike his predecessors, especially Henry VI who had come so close to becoming King of France. It also allowed him to meet his sister again and to strengthen the new ties between the two kingdoms and to use the trip to display all his prestige with pomp.
In the following years, the English king strengthened his ties with France and relied on his new chancellor, Thomas Wolsey, to achieve this, especially as the man had had a central role in the composition of the Treaty of London 1514. The English king and his chancellor also decided to champion a diplomatic path that valued peace between countries and prevented wars. Their approach was supported by the Regent of France and resulted in the Treaty of Eternal Peace signed in London in September 1517 between the major territories of Christendom, including England, France, Spain, the Holy Roman Empire and the Papacy. The treaty that was finally signed was a non-aggression pact between the signatories, but also a military alliance in which the signatories undertook to intervene in the event of aggression by one of their own. The treaty also helps to solve problems that had persisted since 1514, such as the return of Tournai from England to France or the recognition of Maximilian Sforza by the French regency. This diplomatic policy contributed to make England once again a major player in the politics of Christendom, all the more so when its neighbour and former rival was in regency. The Treaty of London also led to Wolsey's appointment as papal legate to England. Alongside this policy of diplomacy, Henry VIII sought to develop influence in the French court through his sister and her ambassadors.
1517 saw London hit by a violent riot on Evil May Day and although Thomas More's efforts brought peace to the areas affected by the unrest, several of the ringleaders were executed, as Henry VIII did not want unrest to threaten the negotiations to establish Eternal Peace.

The news of Charles IX's birth reached Scotland in the autumn of 1515. This caused difficulties for the French party, as the birth of the king raised questions about the continuity of the French alliance. While Albany and his allies faced this dilemma, they were still supported by the French regent. The dowager queen of Scotland, Margaret Tudor, was in no better position as only her family supported her in regaining the position of regent and she only learned of the birth of her royal French nephew after his arrival in England in September 1515, preventing her from taking advantage of it. The change in the French regency in April 1516 further complicated the situation as Albany did not know whether the dowager queen of France would support him as she was Margaret's sister.
The two parties were at an impasse and only a joint mediation by Henry VIII and the French regent in the autumn of 1516 allowed them to reach a compromise : Albany remained regent, but a regency council was created in which Margaret could contribute. However, this solution brought new difficulties: each side tried to become the dominant force in the regency ; Margaret and her husband sought to consolidate their position while Albany tried to strengthen his position as regent and renew the Auld Alliance with France. Using the diplomatic approach to consolidate his position, the regent decides to renew the Auld Alliance with France while developing relations with England. This led to discussions taking place during 1517. These were first answered in the Treaty of London in September 1517, where Albany was one of the signatories, and then materialised in the Treaty of Calais in November 1517. This treaty created an alliance between the Kingdom of Scotland, the Kingdom of France and the Kingdom of England and confirmed Margaret's role in the regency council while a promise of betrothal between a French princess and James V was suggested. In the same treaty, the idea of a promise of marriage between Henry VIII's daughter and a French prince is mentioned, although the Queen Dowager of France and Thomas Wolsey agree to wait until the birth of Francis' first heir before deciding on this point. The treaty was dubbed the 'Tudor Triumvirate' by contemporaries because the dowager queens of the French and Scottish kingdoms were Henry VIII's sisters. The treaty brought a certain appeasement among the Scottish nobility, although noble and ancestral rivalries continued to affect the regency.

In Italy, a new political balance was established during the period. With the weakening of French influence in the peninsula, the Habsburgs and the Pope consolidated and extended their influence over the other city states. Another actor benefited from the situation: the cantons of the Swiss Confederation. Since they had contributed to the defeat of the French in 1512-1513, they became an important player in the north of the peninsula, especially in the Duchy of Milan. Duke Maximilian Sforza had to repay the payments he owed them and relied on the cantons to consolidate his position in the duchy. In addition, the Swiss influenced his political actions and controlled several strategic valleys in the duchy, notably Valtellina. The Duchy of Milan became a de facto Swiss protectorate. The Swiss influence created resentment among the Milanese population, who saw them less and less as allies and more and more as invading foreigners similar to the French. As the French threat weakened, Maximilian Sforza worked to establish new relations with his neighbours and allies over the years 1516-1517. Through the influence of the Cardinal of Sion, Matthias Schiner, this led to the Treaty of Bergamo in May 1517. In this treaty, an alliance was recognised between the duchy and the Swiss cantons, which provided protection for the duchy in exchange for a financial pension. Although this treaty affected his financial resources, it allowed Maximilian Sforza to ensure his duchy's independence from the great neighbouring powers. This allowed him to rebuild his duchy and bring back a certain prosperity, notably by relying on artists. His power was strengthened, especially as in 1518 he had two children with his wife Bona : Beatrice born in May 1516 and Francesco born in June 1517.
The rise of the Swiss Confederation also contributed to strengthening the links between the different cantons and with the three alliances of the League. The Swiss also strengthened their ties with the papacy through the work of Cardinal Matthias Schiner, the head of the alliance with the Papal States. The Cardinal of Sion became one of the key figures of the Swiss Confederation thanks to his successful diplomatic actions in the war of the League of Cambrai (1). During the years 1515-1518, the cardinal met Erasmus in Basel in 1515, exchanging views with him on the need for church reforms. He also developed a correspondence with Ulrich Zwingli, a priest from Glarus whom he had known since the 1512 battles against the French. While the two men disagreed on the issue of the mercenary policy of their compatriots, Zwingli being opposed to the principle of this policy, both men had in common their support for the papal alliance and the need to reform the Catholic Church. Through letters they developed a strong friendship. This correspondence continued as Zwingli became chaplain at Einsiedeln Abbey following the growing hostility of some of his parishioners to his austerity and some of his ideas.
Charles III of Savoy benefited from the birth of Charles IX, as it lessened the French threat to his duchy, especially as the mother of Francis III of Brittany, Louise of Savoy, was his half-sister and claimed the duchy. However, in 1516 he lost the support of Leo X with the death of his brother-in-law, Julien de Medici. This forced him to rely on the Swiss, allowing them to develop their influence on his duchy and on the small republic of Geneva, with which he had been in latent conflict since 1513 with his choice to appoint his cousin John as bishop of the city.
Pope Leo X took advantage of the French withdrawal from Italy to strengthen his position in Italy, but also as head of the Church. Thus, he took advantage of his predecessor's actions to keep the duchy of Modena and Reggio and recovered Parma in 1518 through the Treaty of Bergamo in which he helped the duchy of Milan and the Swiss Confederation to reach an agreement. This allowed him to promote his project against the Turks. During the years 1515-1516, a first draft of the project began to take shape with Matthias Schiner among the key figures of the expedition. The death of Ferdinand II of Arago made it necessary to relaunch diplomatic efforts, particularly in the context of a Eternal Peace treaty project. The Pope thus supported the diplomatic efforts of Henry VIII and his chancellor, which led to the Treaty of London. Leo X welcomed the treaty as a crucial step in setting up an expedition against the Turks, especially as the latter had seized Mamluk-controlled Egypt in early 1517. Leo X's efforts seemed to bear fruit in 1518 when Maximilian I, Charles I of Spain and Manuel I of Portugal joined him in preparing a military campaign against Selim I, leading to an even greater demand for indulgences in Christendom. However, this project was hampered by the absence of France due to its regency and the complicated relations between the Pope and the dowager Queen because of the question of the Pragmatic Sanction of Bourges, condemned by the Lateran Council completed in 1516.
At the same time, Leo X was confronted with the revelation of Martin Luther. The German monk of the Augustinian order denounced the abuse of the system of indulgences through his 95 theses in October 1517. Although the pope considered Luther's message to be an imperial matter, he wanted to meet with the monk to discuss the various controversial elements of his theses, particularly those he considered to be erroneous. Luther's refusal to meet with him led the pope to send Cardinal de Cajetan to meet the monk in Augsburg in October 1518. The meeting did not go well, as Martin Luther refused to retract any of the points that he considered false or erroneous in his ideas, despite the cardinal's arguments. Even the papal bull recalling the legitimacy of the pope's right to grant indulgences did not make the Augustinian monk bend.
The Republic of Genoa benefited from the peace that was established thanks to Ottaviano Fregoso's government as doge. During his governance, he managed to modernise the port of Genoa and to gain the support of many patricians and inhabitants thanks to his magnanimity. He allowed the return of his cousin, Giano II di Campofregoso. Although the doge made his city prosper during the years 1515-1516, the perpetuation of peace led to the return of the patrician rivalries of the Albergo family, particularly the Adorno family. To counter these threats, Ottaviano Fregoso strengthened his ties with the papacy and the Habsburgs. The doge also took advantage of the weakening of the powerful neighbouring kingdom due to his regency and the state of dependence of the Duchy of Milan on the Swiss to consolidate his position, relying on his cousin and Admiral Andrea Doria to be able to impose a more stable governance. To strengthen the prosperity of his city, he finally established commercial links with his neighbours, notably the kingdom of France.
Venice had to acknowledge the loss of the territory of Verona to Maximilian I and found itself diplomatically isolated. To counter the threat of the Habsburgs and the growing influence of the Papacy, Venice turned to France. The policy of the French regency enabled the maritime republic to become a very important trading partner and a key ally from 1517 onwards.

(1) His main success was to persuade the Swiss cantons to switch sides in 1509 in favour of the pope, Jules II. It earned him the position of cardinal in 1511.
During the Fourth Italian War, Henry VIII joined the Holy League against Louis XII in the hope of conquering land at the expense of the French kingdom. Although his armies defeated the French at the "Battle of the Spurs" in the summer of 1513 and conquered Tournai, the cost of the expeditions and the lack of support from his allies, especially Ferdinand II of Aragon, led Henry VIII to abandon his plans, favouring the diplomatic route. Thus he signed the Treaty of London in the summer of 1514, which brought peace between his kingdom and that of France, as well as an alliance symbolised by the marriage of his sister Mary of England to Louis XII (information taken from Georges Minois's biography of Henry VIII).

 

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1519-1520: Changes in the political landscape of Christendom
In January 1519, Maximilian I of Habsburg died. His death led to an imperial election by the seven Great Electors to choose his successor. The main candidates were Henry VIII and Charles I of Spain, although some of the prince electors tried to persuade Prince Frederick III of Saxony to be a candidate. In June 1528, having no serious opponent, Charles was elected emperor, becoming Charles V. His election made him the most powerful ruler in Christendom as he now ruled the Holy Roman Empire, the Duchy of Burgundy through Flanders and Franche-Comté, the Duchy of Verona, the hereditary lands of Austria, the kingdoms of Castile and Arago and was represented in the kingdoms of Naples and Sicily. The Habsburg ruler was confirmed in his new title with his coronation as King of the Romans in Aachen in October 1520.

The election of Charles V upset the political balance established since 1514 and confirmed by the Treaty of London of 1517. The considerable power of the Habsburgs aroused apprehension and hesitation among some of their neighbours, particularly the kingdom of France and the papacy, the former worried that the Habsburgs would threaten its integrity because of Charles V's claims to Burgundy or the fact that his lands encircled the kingdom, the latter worried that its influence in the Italian peninsula would be threatened.

In France, the imperial election was followed with caution and interest. While Mary secretly supported her brother, Francis III of Brittany supported Charles because the Habsburg's success would mean greater pressure on the regent and could help him regain the strong position he had occupied in the early years of the regency. The election of Charles V meant that the influence of the presumptive heir to the crown was strengthened, although his positions on relations with the Habsburgs were similar to those of the regent, both of whom were aware of the significant threat posed by the emperor to the kingdom. Only the ways in which the two great figures of the kingdom dealt with this threat differed: for the Queen Regent, it was mainly a question of maintaining cordial relations with Charles V while strengthening ties with the kingdom of England, while for Francis it was a question of strengthening the alliance with England and developing relations in the Italian peninsula, particularly with the papacy.
These differences did not, however, hinder the consolidation of ties between the kingdoms of France and England, facilitated by the fact that both kingdoms saw the emperor as a threat, Mary to the integrity of her son's kingdom and Henry VIII to the influence he currently wielded on the continent through his alliance with his sister. The two rulers found the opportunity to meet near Ardres in June 1520, during which the alliance between the two kingdoms was renewed and concretised by the betrothal of Henry VIII's daughter Mary to Francis III of Brittany's eldest son Francis. While Mary of England renewed the Treaty of Dover with Charles V during the Tournai encounter at the end of June 1520, she did not renew the promise of betrothal between Renée of France and him, preferring to offer her ward to her nephew, James V of Scotland during the Treaty of Rouen signed with Albany in October 1520 which renewed the alliance between the two kingdoms.

The election of the Emperor created some turmoil in Scotland as a new alternative to the alliance with England and France emerged. This rose tensions among the Scottish lords, as some did not like the current status quo and did not trust the partnership with England. Although renewed by the Treaty of Rouen, the Calais Compromise of 1517 began to weaken as rivalries between John Stuart of Albany and Archibald Douglas grew stronger. At the same time, some Scottish lords decided to contact Christian III of Denmark, hoping that he would act as an intermediary between them and Charles V, the latter being the Danish king's brother-in-law.

The death of Maximilian I cut short the development of the expedition against the Ottoman Empire as it approached the stage of practical execution. In the months leading up to the imperial election, Pope Leo X was looking for an ideal candidate to support in order to avoid Charles I of Spain obtaining the imperial office, as this would make him very powerful and threaten the influence and power of the papacy in the Italian peninsula.
However, in May 1519, his nephew, Lorenzo II died of syphilis. His death deprived Florence of a duke from the house of Medici and led the Pope to send his legate and cousin, Giulio de Medici, to take up the position of Gran Maestro of Florence. The death of Lorenzo II precipitated a revolt in Urbino in early June 1519, as the city had never accepted the duke since he had been imposed by force in March 1516 at the expense of Francis Mary I Della Rovere. The riot drove out the soldiers of the former Medici Duke and forced Leo X to hastily recruit an army to put down the revolt and prevent Francis Mary from returning. The latter, exiled in Mantua, tried to take advantage of the opportunity: he returned to Urbino at the end of June, welcomed fervently by the inhabitants and tried to recruit an army. In July 1519, the Pope commissioned the condottiere Francesco Del Monte to retake the city with the forces mobilised in Romagna. The condottiere reached Urbino at the end of July and began the siege of the city. Despite the fierce defence of the city's inhabitants and its geographical position, Francesco Del Monte's military experience and the isolation of Urbino enabled him to take it at the end of September 1519. Urbino was fiercely repressed by the papal armies, while Francis Mary was forced to flee the city and go into exile in Mantua.
Preoccupied by the conflict in Urbino, Leo X observed the election of Charles V as a spectator. Although he eventually triumphed over Francis Mary, the conflict affected his reputation and his ability to support an expedition against the Ottoman Empire. The papal treasury had incurred significant expenses to ensure the payment of the soldiers charged with recapturing Urbino.
The Urbino conflict also helped to exacerbate the development of Martin Luther's ideas : the German monk continued to refuse to recant, and took advantage of the conflict to denounce the pope's interference in matters that he should not if he were a man of God. This strengthened Leo X's resolve to have the monk recant and, when the latter refused, he condemned his ideas in the bull Exsurge Domine in June 1520. He also asked Charles V to take drastic measures against the Augustinian monk, all the more so when the latter publicly burned the papal bull in Württemberg in December 1520, formalising his break with Rome.
In parallel to these tensions, Leo X reworked the project of an expedition against the Ottoman Turks with the new emperor, but was also concerned to preserve the influence of the papacy in the face of the imposing power of Charles V. This led him to seek better relations with the French regency and to strengthen his ties with the kingdom of England, especially as he awarded Henry VIII the title of 'defender of the faith' for his theological treatise against Martin Luther. The death of Sultan Selim I led the Pope to suspend the expedition project, believing that the threat was less strong with the new Sultan, Suleiman.

The year 1519 saw some tensions in the Duchy of Milan. On the one hand, the imperial election aroused Maximilian Sforza's apprehension and curiosity, as the election of Charles V meant both another contender for the ducal title, but also a potentially powerful protector to safeguard his duchy against other claims and to limit the influence of the Swiss cantons on his lands, while his subjects continued to have some resentment against the Swiss. The presence of his brother Francesco at the imperial court led him to develop relations with the new emperor.

The Swiss paid little attention to the imperial election, having been free of allegiance to the emperor since the 1499 Basel Treaty with Maximilian I. However, Cardinal Matthias Schiner supported Charles I of Spain as a powerful ally on whom he could rely to preserve the new status quo. The election of the Habsburg ruler enabled the Prince-Bishop of Sion to consolidate his ties with the new emperor.
A serious incident in 1519 involved some Swiss cantons : the Geneva crisis. In February 1519, the Grand Council of Geneva decided to form an alliance with Fribourg. In response, Charles III of Savoy invaded the small territory. The Duke of Savoy also asked Fribourg to renounce their alliance treaty with Geneva. The Swiss cantons, especially Fribourg and Bern, however, developed close ties with Geneva during the years 1515-1518 and supported Philippe Berthelier, an ardent Genevan patriot who opposed the ambitions of the Duke of Savoy in his country. The various Swiss cantons also strengthened their ties and developed a certain influence in northern Italy through their alliance with the Pope and the Duchy of Milan. The breaking of the treaty and the execution of Philippe Berthelier for treason in August 1519 aggravated tensions, with the cantons of Bern and Fribourg denouncing Savoyard interference in Geneva politics. The maintenance of Savoyard troops in the Geneva republic contributed to the tensions. The mediation of Leo X through Cardinal Matthias Schiner made it possible to appease the Swiss cantons, but contributed to the development of a rivalry between the cantons and the duchy of Savoy, the former considering the duke more and more as a danger for the durability of the republic of Geneva whereas Charles III considered the Swiss as a danger for his duchy. Because of the proximity of the pope to the Swiss cantons and the link that seems to be developing between Charles V and Cardinal Matthias Schiner, he decides to move closer to the kingdom of France, considering that the French regency will not represent a threat to his territory and will be able to support him against his rivals.
At the beginning of 1519, Ulrich Zwingli became stipendiary priest of Zurich. He again exchanged letters with Matthew Schiner, debating with him the urgent need to reform the church. In 1520 he gave up his pontifical pension and began to develop his own theological positions, although these remained somewhat unofficial because of the strong links between the Swiss cantons and the papacy.

During the years 1519-1520, the Republic of Genoa experienced important events. In April 1519, a fleet commanded by Andrea Doria destroyed the Bizerte fleet of Barbary pirates near Pianosa, destroying Bizerte's ability to raid the eastern Mediterranean and strengthening Genoa's ability to strike at the Barbary coast. Following the imperial election of Charles V, the doge of the Republic of Genoa, Ottaviano Fregoso, undertook to get closer to the latter, considering the latter to have a powerful ally to protect his territory and enable him to stand up to the other Albergo whose rivalry had become intense again in Genoa. But in September 1520, Ottaviano Fregoso was forced to resign from the position of doge under pressure from the allies of Antoniotto II Adorno, who became doge again after 1512. Following his return to power, the new doge forced the Fregosos into exile, as had been the case in 1510. In order to stabilise his position and face his rivals, Antoniotto II Adorno approached the French regency, having once been an ally of Louis XII during the war of the League of Cambrai.

 

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1521-1523: Holy League War, genesis and beginnings
Following a diplomatic incident in 1520 (1), war was declared between the Ottoman Empire and the Kingdom of Hungary. In 1521, the Ottoman Sultan, Suleiman, led a campaign against the southern part of the kingdom, seizing the fortress of Belgrade in August 1521.
The fall of the fortress stunned all of Christendom and helped to revive and consolidate the idea of a military alliance against the Turks. Based on the Treaty of London, Pope Leo X urged the various sovereigns to fight the Turks, arguing that Hungary's aggression implied the support of the other signatories of the treaty. Charles V and his brother Ferdinand, who became Archduke of Austria in April 1521, were the first to respond to the Pope's appeal. A military alliance treaty was signed in Parma between the three leaders in November 1521. During the negotiations that led to the treaty, Charles V was recognised by the Pope as King of Naples. During the same period, the Habsburgs strengthened their ties with Louis II of Hungary, notably through the marriages of Louis II to Mary of Habsburg and of Ferdinand of Habsburg to the Hungarian ruler's sister, Anne Jagellon.
The other rulers of Christendom, however, were not so determined to join the military alliance against the Turks. The French regency was somewhat reluctant to participate, as Mary had little desire to see the Habsburgs' influence increase further. Only the determination and desire for glory of Francis III of Brittany led her to qualify her position. On the English side, Henry VIII was initially very keen on military glory, but his insatiable and volatile character helped to evaporate this desire quite quickly. This was also reinforced by the English aristocracy's lack of interest in fighting the Turks, as the project did not correspond to their interests. As for Venice, the maritime republic did not want to see its commercial privileges with the Ottoman Empire threatened.

During the same period, various sovereigns were visited by Villiers de l'Isle-Adam, Grand Master of the Hospitaller Order since January 1521. He tried to warn the Christian sovereigns of the Turkish threat to the island of Rhodes and sought volunteers to strengthen the island's defence. The Pope and the Emperor were particularly attentive to his appeals for help. Following the fall of Belgrade, Charles V decided to support the Hospitallers by preparing an expedition to send reinforcements to Rhodes against the Turkish threat. The emperor and the pope urged the other sovereigns to support them in this endeavour. The death of Leo X in December 1521 created hesitation in the process. As for Villiers de l'Isle-Adam, he returned to Rhodes in early 1522 with volunteers and prepared the defence of the island.

During 1522, Ferdinand of Habsburg sent soldiers to support the Hungarians in Slavonia, while Charles V urged the German princes to support the military campaign against the Turks at the Diet of Nuremberg held in the spring of 1522. Some of them, notably William IV of Bavaria, approved of the emperor's request, while others, such as Elector Frederick III of Saxony, were more reserved, uninterested in getting involved in a conflict outside the borders of the Holy Roman Empire and more concerned about the controversies resulting from the Diet of Worms.

At the beginning of March 1522, Charles V sent the fleet from Barcelona to transport reinforcements to the island of Rhodes. The fleet, commanded by Hugo de Moncada, reached Messina at the end of April 1522, where it was supplemented by other ships. The Spanish-Italian fleet consisted of about thirty ships, including six galleys that protected the ships carrying the reinforcements. A total of about three thousand soldiers were transported to Rhodes. Despite the constraints resulting from the distance and the lack of support from Venice, which had several territories in the vicinity of Rhodes, the Italo-Spanish fleet managed to reach the island in early June 1522. The arrival of reinforcements boosted the morale of the Hospitaller knights and their determination to defend the island against the Turks. While most of the reinforcements joined the island's defenders, others moved to the fortress on the nearby island of Chálki. In order not to clog up the port of Rhodes, part of the Italian-Spanish fleet remained on the island, while the rest was distributed among the various islands controlled by the Knights Hospitallers, particularly Lango (2). The defence of the island was prepared and organised by Villiers de l'Isle-Adam and Hugo de Moncada. There was a certain amount of tension between the Spanish commander and the Hospitallers, the latter reproaching him for not having honoured his commitment to the order.
On 24th June 1522, the Turkish fleet arrived in front of Rhodes and set up a blockade to prevent the island from being supplied. On 18th July, Suleiman reached the region with his army and the siege of the city began on 28th July. Faced with the seventy-five thousand men of the Turkish sultan, nearly eleven thousand defenders were determined to defend themselves.
During August 1522, the siege was mainly marked by artillery games and sapping and counter-sapping actions. On the one hand, the Turks sought to collapse one of the walls or bastions of Rhodes to open a breach that would allow them to take possession of the city. On the other hand, the defenders sought to prevent their opponents from achieving their aims, advised by Gabriel Tadini de Martinengo, a Venetian engineer who was an expert in counter-sapping. On some occasions, this led to terrible underground battles between the sappers of the two sides. In parallel to these tests of strength, the Turks carried out daily assaults to test the defenders and hope to overwhelm them with numbers. In addition to these assaults, the defenders, mainly Italo-Spanish, did not hesitate to carry out raids on the opposing camp from time to time. These attacks and the beginning of an epidemic of dysentery contributed to undermining the morale of the Turks. The situation changed somewhat when, on 4th September 1522, the bastion of England was breached, leading to a major Turkish assault on it. The confrontation raged throughout the day, with the attackers being driven back by the defenders. The latter received some support from the other Dodecanese islands thanks to the ships of the fleet sent by Charles V.

During the same period, Pope Leo X's successor, Paul III, sought to organise a more substantial military alliance against the Ottoman Empire, particularly in response to calls for help from the Knights of the Hospitaller Order in Rhodes, who feared that the Turks would seek to take the island as they had done in 1480. Informed of the start of the siege of Rhodes in July 1522, the Pope urged the Christian rulers to take action to prevent the Turks from seizing the island. The announcement of the siege of Rhodes contributed to the success of the Pope's negotiations, leading to the creation of the Holy League in September 1522. This alliance included Charles V, Ferdinand of Habsburg, the Pope, King John III of Portugal, the Duchy of Milan, the Republic of Genoa, the Republic of Venice, the Duchy of Florence, the Swiss Confederation, the Kingdom of England and the Kingdom of France.

Charles V was the first to respond to Paul III's appeal. He was all the more determined because he had received the news of the success of the March naval expedition. At the end of July 1522, he sent a new fleet of about twenty ships to support the defenders with food and reinforcements. This was accompanied by Andrea Doria's personal fleet, who had offered his services to the emperor for this new expedition. The squadron reached Rhodes in September 1522 and managed to get past the blockade to send supplies and almost two thousand men. This reinforcement strengthened the determination of the defenders, who had suffered the assault of 4th September against the English stronghold. The hope of help from the Christian nations in the west strengthened the resolve of the Hospitallers and their allies to hold out. This determination was crucial when, on 24th September 1522, the Ottomans attacked the bastions of Spain, England, Provence and Italy. Violent clashes raged throughout the day, especially at the bastion of Spain. The Turks repeatedly failed to capture it, but the defenders defended themselves fiercely. Among them, Ignatius of Loyola distinguished himself by fighting in hand-to-hand combat against several janissaries. The final failure of the assault led Suleiman to remove Mustapha Pasha from the responsibility of commander of the armed forces besieging the siege and give it to Ahmed Pasha, the commander of the janissaries. The siege then stalled, with the Turkish army suffering greatly from attrition and dysentery, while the defenders were strengthened in their determination to preserve Rhodes.
On Rhodes, the siege continued to rage through November as the Turks were determined to bring down one of the strongholds weakened by their undermining operations as quickly as possible. As the winter season arrived, Suleiman was forced to bring in food and ammunition to continue the siege, while his army's morale worsened as the siege continued and casualties increased both from the city's defenders and from dysentery. On the side of the defenders, determination remained strong even if some deplored the fact that only Emperor Charles V supported them. The support of ships from Lango kept the morale of the defenders up, especially when they learned of the creation of the Holy League. The appearance of a Venetian fleet in November rekindled the will to fight of the defenders, who now knew that the Christian powers of the West were united in their support against the Turks. On 21st November 1522, the bastion of Spain collapsed, while other bastions were weakened, making the situation of the defenders complicated. Although they repelled a new Ottoman assault at the end of November, the latter were divided on what to do next. While Hugo de Moncada and Villiers de l'Isle-Adam were determined to continue the fight, other members of the Knights Hospitallers and the inhabitants of Rhodes began to consider surrender preferable. In early December 1522, a serious incident occurred : a servant of André d'Amaral was caught sending a message to the Turkish camp. Tortured, he confessed to having acted on his master's orders. Despite his denials, the prior was executed a few days later. This incident contributed to increasing tensions between those determined to continue defending themselves and those who began to think that surrender was the only possible outcome. The presence of Hugo de Moncada and his men enabled Villiers de l'Isle-Adam to maintain a strong position on the subject.

In December 1522, the Turkish army was very weakened by the siege. Failed assaults, dysentery and the forced wintering on the island all contributed to undermining the morale of the soldiers, while their opponents seemed as determined as ever. The more frequent arrival of ships supplying the defenders helped to lower the morale of the Ottomans, who realised the weakness of their blockade and the risk of imminent reinforcements for their opponents. This situation led Suleiman to call for an intensification of the blockade and to concentrate artillery fire on what remained of the bastions of Spain and England in order to collapse them and attempt a new assault to break the defenders. On 13rd December, what remained of the bastion of Spain collapsed while the bastion of England was almost in ruins. While this led to increased pressure from the inhabitants of Rhodes on the defenders to call a truce, the Turks launched an assault on 18th December quite similar to that of 24th September. The ruined state of the bastions of Spain and England made the task of the defenders more difficult and the two towers changed possession three times during the course of the confrontation. Losses were heavy on both sides and it was not until nightfall that the fighting stopped. At the end of the battle, both sides were at the end of their tether, although the defenders were hopeful of getting help from the Christian powers, mainly Charles V.
During October and November, Charles V built up a third fleet to support Rhodes. His fleet was made up of the ships sent in August and reinforced by Portuguese ships and Genoese galleys, consisting of almost one hundred ships, including twenty galleys, carrying about eight thousand men. Leaving Messina during November 1522, the fleet faced the bad season and reached Candia (3) at the beginning of December before reaching Rhodes around Christmas 1522. Their arrival led to a violent naval clash between the Turkish and Holy League ships, but most of the ships reached Rhodes. The arrival of the reinforcements relieved the defenders and further damaged the morale of the Ottomans, who saw the success of the siege slipping away despite the increasing number of breaches in the fortifications. Despite pressure from some of his commanders and advisers, Suleiman decided to lift the siege in early January 1523, not wanting to lose more forces unnecessarily when the defenders were well reinforced and could receive further reinforcements. During the month of January, he evacuated his demoralised army, weakened by the wear and tear of the siege and dysentery. The defenders took advantage of this to multiply their raids against the Turkish camp. The departure of the last Ottoman soldiers on 17th January 1523 marked the official end of the siege of Rhodes. Nearly eight thousand men were killed or wounded during the siege on the defenders' side, while on the Turks' side, thirty thousand men were killed, wounded or sick. In addition to these losses, the Hospitallers and their allies lost about twenty ships and their opponents about the same number.

The outcome of the siege of Rhodes was celebrated in Christendom, notably by the Papacy and the Emperor who saw it as a sign from heaven to drive out the Turkish threat. Conversely, the failure of the siege of Rhodes contributed to the reawakening of doubts and divisions among the Ottomans, whereas Suleiman had carried out this project with the aim of uniting his subjects against a common enemy. It also led to the fall of several of the viziers who had supported and prepared the project, notably Piri Ahmed. The failure of Rhodes also led Suleiman to renew the alliance that his father had built with Khayr Ad-Din Barbarossa, the beylerbey of Algiers, in order to get the Barbary pirates. He sent more than five thousand janissaries to support the Barbary corsair in the summer of 1523. This reinforcement enabled Khayr Ad-Dîn to lead an attack against his rival, Sidi Ahmed or el Kadhi, Sultan of Koukou, who had taken possession of Algiers in 1520. The latter remained master of the city, but found himself in difficulty against the barbarians and their Turkish allies.

During 1523, Charles V and Paul III collaborated to develop the project of an expedition against the Ottoman Empire and to concretise the project of the late Leo X. Inspired in part by the project conceived in 1518 by his predecessor and grandfather, Maximilian I, Charles V intended to implement an ambitious project with three axes of progression: one through Hungary for the armies of the Holy Roman Empire and his brother Ferdinand; one through Italy and Durres for the French, Neapolitan and Papal armies; and one through North Africa for the Spanish army supported by its fleet and the Portuguese fleet. In order to implement this project, the emperor negotiated with the various allies of the Holy League in order to persuade them to participate in the expedition. Paul III was in favour of the project, supporting the emperor in his approach. His brother Ferdinand was easy to convince, as the latter was already supporting their brother-in-law Louis II of Hungary to protect his kingdom from the Turks. John III of Portugal also joined him, honouring the alliance that had been established between the rulers of the House of Aviz and those of the lines of Castile and Aragon. As for the German princes, the third Diet of Nuremberg saw a division among them between those who were in favour of supporting the emperor in his project and those who were more reticent. As for the kingdom of France, if the regent was hesitant, the emperor could have the support of the presumptive heir for his project. He also obtained the support of the Republic of Venice during the same year. In the autumn of 1523, at the meeting in Cambrai, the emperor drew up a plan with his allies for a campaign against the Turks and their allies. All the members of the Holy League seemed willing to support the project, leading the emperor to believe that the fight against the Ottoman Empire would bring the Christian powers closer together in view of the universal empire he sought to resurrect.

(1) In 1520, Suleiman sent an ambassador to ask Louis II of Hungary for tribute in the framework of the truce signed in 1519. Louis II insulted the ambassador and refused to honour the tribute.
(2) Lango is the island of Kos, one of the Dodecanese islands near Rhodes.
(3) The current island of Crete.

 

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1521-1523: French regency under Angoulême influence
In 1521, Marie's regency flourished and allowed the implementation of policies that contributed to the economic prosperity of the kingdom of France. Many cities and merchants prospered, especially the ports in the north of the kingdom or the cities near the Italian peninsula. For example, the Lyon fair, which appeared in 1520, benefited from the prosperity and trade. Manufacturers and craftsmen also benefited from the trade and prosperity to develop in the kingdom. Although agriculture benefited from the years of peace, it underwent a crisis in the years 1521-1522, as did other kingdoms, which led to several food shortages. This crisis caused some tensions which contributed to the reawakening of hostility among certain sections of the population towards the regent, who was held responsible for the return of certain taxes and was guilty of being English. Although the food shortages were resolved during 1523, the tensions they had caused did not disappear completely, as some lords close to the Valois-Angoulême clan or hostile to the regent did not hesitate to fuel hostility towards her.

In April 1521, Suzanne de Bourbon died, bequeathing the Duchy of Bourbonnais to her two and a half year old son, Louis III. This forced Susanna's widower, Charles de Bourbon-Montpensier, to take on the responsibility of regency for his son. The death of Suzanne de Bourbon and Charles' reduced presence diminished the influence of the Bourbons at court. This allowed François III of Brittany to strengthen his influence at court and in the royal council, taking advantage of his proximity to Antoine Duprat. This return to power of the Valois-Angoulême faction contributed to reinforcing the rivalry between Mary of England and the presumptive heir to the French crown, the dowager queen determined to preserve her position as regent even if she had to deal with the Duke of Brittany again.
This rivalry now extends beyond the royal court: the Valois-Angouleme faction, also known as the Breton party, was now firmly established in Brittany, Normandy, Valois and the lands of Angouleme, while the dowager queen's party, derisively known as the "English party", was represented by the lands of Bourbonnais, the French capital, was represented by the lands of Bourbonnais, Montpensier, Vendôme and Languedoc, as well as Paris, where the dowager queen allied herself with the representatives of the parliament to counterbalance the important power of the presumptive heir. Among the lesser nobility or clergy, support for the queen dowager or the crown prince also grew, some supporting the former to counter the strong influence of the duke of Brittany, the latter out of loyalty or a desire to support demands to restrict royal power.

In 1522, the dowager queen supported the publication of her brother's theological treatise against Martin Luther. She was close to her brother and tended to adopt his position on the theological question. The regent did not look favourably on the development of the German monk's ideas, not so much out of religious conviction as out of fear of the unrest they would cause in the kingdom and the fact that they would call into question the Pragmatic Sanction of Bourges. For the same reasons, it supported the University of Paris in its fight against Lutheran ideas and all those that appeared heretical. Her position contributed to her rivalry with Francis III of Brittany, the presumptive heir becoming sensitive to the devotio moderna practised by his sister, Margaret. Nevertheless, the dowager queen also supported Guillaume de Briçonnet, bishop of Meaux, whose reformist positions were close to those of Pope Paul III, thus imitating the same policy as her brother Henry VIII between conservatism and specific reformist support.

During these early years of the 1520s, Charles IX began his training as a king under Guillaume Budé. Budé, who had become an important figure at court, advised the regent to promote belles-lettres and philology. The latter, inspired by the presence of Thomas More at her brother's court, relied on the thinker and contributed to the flourishing of humanist thought within the court. This development also resulted from the rivalry with Francis III of Brittany, as the dowager queen did not wish to be overshadowed by the presumptive heir in the cultural and artistic field. The early 1520s thus saw the development of artistic styles promoted by the queen dowager and the heir apparent to the crown: the "Francis" or Breton style played on Italian influences, while the Marian style was based more on English and Flemish influences. The rivalry between the dowager queen and the presumptive heir to the throne allowed the French court to gain in prestige and cultural life. Added to this rivalry was the regency's desire not to allow the French court to be supplanted by the prestige of the imperial court of Charles V.

On the diplomatic front, the French regency was in a special situation. With Pope Leo X's call for an expedition against the Turks, the rivalry between Mary and Francis was again expressed. On the one hand, Mary was anxious to give her son a solid and prosperous kingdom and did not see the point of a military expedition against the Turks. On the other hand, François III of Brittany defended the project, less out of concern for the defence of the Christian faith than out of a desire to realise his dreams of military glory that the birth of Charles IX had prevented in 1515. This opposition grew in 1522 when Leo X's successor, Paul III, asked the various Christian sovereigns to unite against the Ottomans: Mary was more than hesitant to contribute, whereas Francis was more determined than ever, arguing that it was necessary for the kingdom of France to join the fight against the Turks in defence of the faith and above all not to see the Habsburgs supplant the French royalty on the chessboard of Christianity. The Pope's appeals to help Rhodes, Francis' arguments and the latter's dominant position in the royal council led Mary to agree, bringing the kingdom of France into the Holy League in September 1522. The regent nevertheless refrained from sending aid to Rhodes, unwilling to see the fleet that was developing in the Mediterranean dispersed while she was unable to provide substantial support to the Hospitallers.
In parallel with the Holy League, the regent continued to maintain strong relations with her native kingdom, but Francis' once again dominant influence in the royal council also led to the return of a certain Italian policy. The latter, which had begun with the alliance with the Republic of Venice in 1517, was reinforced with the support for Charles III of Savoy after the Geneva crisis of 1519. In 1521, the new doge of the Republic of Genoa, Antoniotto II Adorno, wished to renew the relationship with the kingdom of France, especially as protector of the maritime republic against its rivals. Although the regent was reluctant to renew the partnership that had existed under her husband, she was led to accept on the advice of Francis, who recalled the links that had existed between the Genoese Republic and the kingdom of France since the last century and the fact that each new partner and ally would help to consolidate the kingdom's influence against that of the Habsburgs. An alliance was signed between the regent and the doge of Genoa in May 1521, ensuring the support of the French regency to the doge. Finally, during the negotiations for the creation of the Holy League, the regent invited the doge to join the alliance so as not to be at odds with the Habsburgs.
The death of Leo X and the accession of his successor Paul III led to a change in relations between the kingdom of France and the papacy. Although the new pope developed relations with the French regency, particularly in the context of the creation of the Holy League, and welcomed the dowager queen's support in the fight against Martin Luther's ideas, he nevertheless showed a certain preference for Charles V. Paul III and Mary also had some important disagreements, notably over the maintenance of the Pragmatic Sanction of Bourges, the Pope wanting to see a new agreement that would allow the Papacy to have a say while helping to reform practices within the clergy, while the Regent was reluctant to make a decision on the issue so as not to alienate the support of the clergy and parliaments. Negotiations did, however, develop to reach a satisfactory compromise between the French crown and the papacy.
The diplomatic relationship between the dowager queen and Charles V was complicated. On the one hand, Mary preserved the cordial relations established since the treaties of 1516 and joined the Holy League alliance in which Charles V was the dominant figure. On the other hand, she sought to maintain her distance from the emperor, unwilling to see her son's kingdom fall under Habsburg influence. This need for distance is all the stronger because the dowager queen had an offer of marriage from the emperor which she preferred to postpone, unwilling to find herself in the situation of her sister Margaret. This led her to strengthen her ties with England, but also with some of the Italian states who were apprehensive about the omnipotence of the Habsburgs. Francis III's position was somewhat different: using the Holy League and the planned military expedition against the Turks as a pretext, he drew closer to Charles V in order to consolidate his own influence vis-à-vis the regent.
Relations with Scotland fuelled the rivalry between Mary and Francis. On the one hand, the two leading figures in the kingdom were aware of the need to maintain an alliance with the northern kingdom, mainly as part of a network of links that allowed them to maintain a fairly strong influence against the Habsburgs. On the other hand, Mary had growing difficulties with Albany, seeing him as an ally of Francis. The Scottish regent's visits to France, particularly to secure the support of the French regency, contributed to this impression, with the Scottish lord often turning to Francis and his relatives.

One of the most important political actions of the French regency concerned exploration and the search for commercial opportunities. In December 1522, Mary was visited by Antonio Pigafetta, who gave her a manuscript containing a first version of the logbook he had kept during Magellan's expedition. The visit of the Italian sailor and the receipt of the manuscript of his account aroused a deep interest in the French royal court in the explorations and the New World. This interest was reinforced at the beginning of 1523 when Giovanni Verrazzano proposed an expedition to discover a northwest passage to Asia. The queen dowager agreed, aware that the royal treasury could finance an expedition and eager to develop the kingdom's trade towards other horizons without depending on merchants from the East or Spain. She was all the more supportive of the project as it was backed by François III of Brittany, the presumptive heir seeing the expedition project as an opportunity to develop his duchy. Even though there was some reluctance, particularly due to the question of compliance with the Treaty of Tordesillas, the decision to finance an expedition to the New World was supported, particularly in order to be able to break away from the influence of the Habsburgs.
With royal support, Giovanni Verrazzano left Dieppe in July 1523 with four ships and headed west. The Italian navigator stopped in Madeira in August 1523 before heading west again. He reached the northern sides of Florida in October 1523. As he sailed up the coast, he thought he saw the Pacific Ocean behind a narrow strip of land (1), named one of the areas he landed Arcadia (2) before reaching a bay he named Terre d'Orléans (3) in November 1523. The arrival of winter forced him and his crew to winter, bringing them into contact with the natives, the Leni Lenape. The first contacts were friendly and full of curiosity, even if incidents punctuated the exchanges between the two groups. The wintering allowed Giovanni Verrazzano to discover the surroundings of Terre d'Orléans, guided by the natives.

(1) In reality, the Outer Banks separating the Atlantic Ocean from the Pamlico Bay lagoon.
(2) Name given to the present-day region of Virginia and Maryland.
(3) OTL New York Bay.

 

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1521-1523: In the British Isles
The years 1521-1523 saw the kingdoms of the British Isles experience distinct situations as events affecting Christendom were developing.

In 1521, the kingdom of England benefited from its alliance and proximity to the kingdom of France through trade with the north of the kingdom and with Flanders, and the chancellor's peace and economic measures helped to consolidate the royal treasury, although this also created resentment among the population. Since becoming chancellor, Cardinal Thomas Wolsey has managed the king's wishes competently and diplomatically, while at the same time developing his power and influence. The French alliance was strengthened by the promise of marriage between Henry VIII's daughter and the son of Francis III of Brittany and his renunciation of the title of King of France. This alliance was at the heart of a diplomatic policy which some like to compare to the policy of the late Henry VII, Henry VIII's father.
The events of 1521-22 changed this approach, although it continued to exist in a different form. The capture of Belgrade and Leo X's appeal to Christian rulers to take part in a military expedition against the Turks aroused Henry VIII's keen interest in the autumn of 1521. But his fickle nature contributed to a decline in his motivation to participate in the project, especially when Leo X died. Negotiations led by Leo X's successor, Paul III, and the fact that Emperor Charles V and the French regency seemed ready to join an alliance against the Turks, made the English ruler want to join the alliance, unwilling to see his neighbours and rivals achieve a glory that he could attain. Part of him dreamed of being able to become the new Richard the Lionheart if he could not achieve what Edward III and Henry V had come close to in France. The English lords, however, were more mixed or uncertain about the project, with most seeing no point in it. Despite the lack of motivation of some of his lords, Henry VIII asked Thomas Boleyn to take part in the Cambrai meeting in September 1523, which was to determine the distribution of responsibilities in the expedition. The English king was given the task of deploying the English fleet to support the Portuguese and Spanish fleets in North Africa. Wanting to go further, the sovereign entrusted his friend, Charles Brandon, to lead the military forces that would accompany the fleet on the expedition.
During the same period, Henry VIII sought to make his court the most brilliant in Christendom, stimulated by the power of the Habsburgs but above all by the dynamism of the French royal court, where his sister and Duke François III of Brittany competed in patronage to strengthen their prestige and influence. This search led to an increase in the number of parties and tournaments in which the king participated, when he was not hunting with his friends and confidants. During these physical activities, Henry VIII was the victim of several accidents. The most serious of these occurred in 1521 during a tournament when his opponent's spear almost pierced his eye.
Another feature of this period was Henry VIII's firm stance against Luther's ideas. This was expressed in the publication of the theological treatise Defending the Seven Sacraments in 1521, which led to Henry VIII being granted the title 'Defender of the Faith' by Pope Leo X. Beyond this text, the king relied on his chancellor to combat the development of Luther's ideas in his realm, while Thomas More published Responsio ad Lutherum in 1523 in response to Martin Luther's critical text towards the king.
This religious policy did not, however, prevent elements of reform in the local management of the church, especially after the election of Paul III. Thus, in 1523, Thomas Wolsey obtained from the Pope the power to carry out reform in England. This led him to take up the papal reform of the Augustinian order, but also to begin an investigation into the good behaviour of the convents in the territories of York and Ipwich.
Although the kingdom of England was prosperous and had a prominent place in Christendom, Henry VIII was dissatisfied, as he still had no son with his wife, Catherine of Aragon. The situation was made worse by the fact that he had an illegitimate son, Henry Fitzroy, born in 1519, and his two nephews continued to grow up healthy.

The years 1521-1523 were complicated for the Kingdom of Scotland: the compromise reached by the Treaty of Calais in 1517 was fading for a number of reasons. On the one hand, the strong rivalry between John Stuart of Albany and Archibald Douglas had grown stronger over the years, with the regent determined to govern the kingdom as he saw fit while the head of the Douglas clan wanted to take over the regency. This rivalry is reflected in numerous incidents between their allies. The former accuses the latter of trying to usurp the power of the regency council, while the head of the Douglas clan denounces the abuses of the former. Control over James V is at the heart of the tensions, as both want to keep him under their own influence, regardless of the compromises that allow Margaret Tudor to visit him. The existence of the Anglo-French alliance also contributed to the tensions as it weakened Albany's position as chief regent while the English party led by Archibald Douglas grew stronger.
In order to maintain his position, John II Stuart made several trips to France between 1521 and 1523, both to visit the lands he had in his possession, but also to seek the support of the French regency. He relied on Francis III of Brittany who had allowed him to return to Scotland to take up the position of regent, being untrusting of Mary of England whom he suspected of being more favourable to his sister. These journeys enabled him to gain French approval, even though this approval appeared to be lukewarm due to the lack of firm support from the regent.
In this struggle for influence, Margaret plays a particular game. While she was officially a key member of the English faction because of her family relationship with Henry VIII, the existence of the 'Tudor Triumvirate' and her desire to regain a prominent position at the top of the regency council led her to develop links with both English supporters and members of the French faction. In addition, her relationship with her second husband deteriorated, as she learned of his infidelities and the fact that he had paid his mistress with the money she possessed. Taking advantage of the alliance situation with the kingdoms of France and England, she manages to develop a network of allies bringing together Scottish lords from both factions who have no problem collaborating together, as there is no rivalry between their respective clans. However, this network was not easy to maintain or develop, as rivalries between Scottish lords could be very strong. In addition, neither John II Stuart nor Archibald Douglas wanted to see the dowager queen return to prominence, even though the regent could rely on her support on several occasions.
These rivalries also contributed to the development of a third camp which approached Christian II of Denmark in the hope of gaining the support of Charles V. This faction found it difficult to develop influence, as their main ally was faced with the Swedish War of Independence that followed the Stockholm Bloodbath of December 1520. Added to this was the fact that Charles V seemed uninterested in supporting a faction in Scotland, even if he did support it in order to gain some influence in Scotland. The development of the imperial faction was weakened by the defeat and exile of Christian II in January 1523 when he was driven from power in Sweden and Denmark.

 

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1521-1523: From Spain to Hungary
The years 1521-1523 saw the Habsburgs strengthen their dominant position in Christendom but also face many challenges.

In 1521, Charles V sought to consolidate his authority over his territories but also over Christendom, determined to resurrect the universal empire that had existed at the time of Charlemagne and especially the Romans of old. The fall of Belgrade in August 1521 gave him the opportunity to develop this ambition thanks to the revival of the military expedition project against the Turks by Pope Leo X. He was the first to invest in the project, signing an alliance with the Pope in October 1521, which at the same time allowed him to obtain papal recognition for his title of King of Naples. In addition, the Grand Master of the Knights Hospitallers called on him for help, which gave him an opportunity to lead the great battle of faith against the infidel Turks. This led him to prepare a fleet during the winter of 1521-22 to provide Rhodes with reinforcements and resources to support a siege that the Knights Hospitaller believed was imminent. During 1522 and the Ottoman siege of the island, Charles V was the main supporter of the island's defenders, sending a total of three fleets between March and December 1522 to support the Hospitallers against the Turks. The success against the Turks helped to strengthen the ties between the Knights Hospitallers and the Emperor, who also gained great prestige from his support of the defenders of Rhodes.
The election of Paul III strengthened the ties between Charles V and the papacy, with the new pope supporting him in the project against the Ottoman Empire. Charles V became the leader of the Holy League, drawing up the project for a military expedition during 1523 and gaining the support of most of the members of the alliance. The emperor also developed his ties with the kingdom of Hungary through the marriage of his sister Mary to Louis II of Hungary in December 1521, while his brother Ferdinand married the Hungarian king's sister, Anne Jagellon. In order for his brother to honour the promise of marriage obtained at the Congress of Vienna by their grandfather Maximilian I, Charles V granted responsibility for the hereditary lands of the House of Habsburg to his brother in the Treaty of Worms of April 1521.
But while the Habsburg ruler was developing his policy of universal empire and champion of Catholicism, he also faced various difficulties in his various territories. In Spain, two major revolts raged in the years 1520-1522. The first revolt was that of the Germanias in the Valencia region, while the second was that of the communities of Castile. Both revolts had in common the rejection by local elites of the increasing interference of royal power and the centralisation of power. In addition to these revolts, in the spring of 1521 there was an insurrection in Upper Navarre, as the inhabitants of the region had not accepted the submission to the Crown of Castile and, by extension, to the Spanish Crown. The rebels sought to take advantage of the various insurrections to emancipate themselves from Spanish rule and asked for help from Henry II of Navarre. However, the Navarrese sovereign was an observer of the insurrection, as he could not count on the French regency to try to recover his lost territories. The Spanish regent, Cardinal Adriaan Floriszoon Boeyens, and the local viceroys managed to suppress the various revolts at the end of 1521 and the beginning of 1522. The territories that rebelled were severely repressed, especially in Upper Navarre and Castile. The insurrection in Upper Navarre contributed to the deterioration of relations between the Spanish and Navarrese crowns, with Charles V suspecting Henry II of Navarre of having incited the rebels in Upper Navarre in order to recover the territory lost in 1515.
It was not only the insurgencies in the Spanish lands that bothered Charles V : the years 1521-1523 saw a fracture in the lands of the Empire due to Luther's ideas. Determined to strengthen imperial authority and preserve the unity of the Holy Roman Empire, Charles V convened a Diet in Worms in the spring of 1521 to decide the fate of Martin Luther. The edict that emerged in May 1521 banished the German monk from the empire, condemning him and his ideas. However, the German monk was welcomed by the Elector of Saxony, and the decisions of the Edict of Worms were not respected by several of the German princes. The split was confirmed at the three Nuremberg diets between spring 1522 and autumn 1523. While they were held to bring the princes of the Holy Roman Empire to support the military expedition project against the Turks, they evolved into a controversy about the respect of the decisions of the Diet of Worms : some of the German princes were not interested in contributing to the military project without guarantees from the emperor to respect their rights. And among these rights was the right to freedom of religious practice, as several German princes supported Martin Luther or had adhered to his ideas. Despite the demands of Charles V and the pope that they abide by the decisions of the Diet of Worms, the German princes were determined not to allow the emperor to encroach on their privileges and rights. This growing rebellion of the German princes was compounded by increasing local unrest, particularly among the peasants, who were tired of suffering many hardships. This unrest led to the first major revolt, the Knights' Revolt of 1522, the first insurrection to incorporate Luther's ideas into its demands.

Having become Archduke of the Habsburg hereditary lands by the Treaty of Worms in April 1521, Ferdinand of Habsburg was faced with a particular situation. His territories were heavily indebted under his grandfather, Maximilian I, leading him to pursue austerity policies. The new archduke also sought to continue the centralising policy of his predecessor. In doing so, he encountered the hostility of his subjects, which led him to take strong measures. In 1522, for example, he had the rebellious mayor of Vienna and his advisers arrested and executed.
Added to these difficulties was the conflict in Hungary. Following the fall of Belgrade, Ferdinand followed his brother in the project of a military expedition against the Turks. At the same time, he consolidated his ties with the kingdom of Hungary, particularly through his marriage to Louis II's sister, Anne. In parallel with the negotiations for the creation of an alliance against the Ottoman Empire, the Archduke of Austria sent soldiers to support his brother-in-law. This support was not obvious, as the Austrian lords were not in favour of sending armed forces outside the Holy Roman Empire. Despite these difficulties, Ferdinand prepared the organisation of the expedition, particularly in the autumn of 1523 when the project was formalised by the meeting in Cambrai. Since he could not rely solely on the Austrian lords, he negotiated with the Swiss cantons to be able to build up a sufficient force to campaign in the Balkans.

The kingdom of Hungary was in a difficult position in the years 1521-1523. Once again at war with the Ottoman Empire following Louis II's insult to Suleiman's ambassador, the kingdom lost its southern defences with the loss of the fortresses of Šabac and Belgrade in the summer of 1521. However, there was some respite due to Suleiman's interest in taking Rhodes and the Turkish sultan's need to reorganise his forces after the failed siege of the island. The strengthening of ties with the Habsburg dynasty through the marriages of Louis II to Mary of Austria and Ferdinand to Anne of Jagellon, and the formation of the Holy League in 1522, contributed to the hopes of the Hungarian ruler and his lords to repel the Turkish threat. But the great power of the Hungarian magnates and corruption plagued the kingdom and made it unfit for military campaigns against the Ottomans.
These years saw the blossoming of Louis II's relationship with Mary as she began to develop her influence at the Hungarian court. The large presence of Dutch and Germans in her court helped to strengthen support for the interests of the House of Habsburg, which was seen as all the more necessary as the plan for an expedition against the Turks took shape during 1523. However, the presence of foreign advisors and the close ties with the Habsburgs also contributed to divisions within the Hungarian nobility, as several magnates were hostile to the interference of the House of Austria in internal affairs.

 

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1521-1523: Papacy and Italian territories
The years 1521-1523 were pivotal for many territories in the Italian peninsula as events related to the Turkish threat influenced the political balance of the peninsula and other events influenced their evolution.

The papacy underwent important changes during these years. In 1521, Leo X relaunched the project of an expedition against the Turks following Suleiman's attack on the southern lands of the Kingdom of Hungary and the capture of Belgrade. In this process, he developed strong links with Charles V and Ferdinand of Habsburg in the Treaty of Alliance of Verona signed in October 1521, which gave him the opportunity to recognise Charles V as King of Naples. In the same vein, he urged the other sovereigns and leaders of Christendom to act, using the Treaty of London of 1517 to legitimise his point. But before he could make further progress with his negotiations and appeals, the Pope died of bronchial pneumonia in early December 1521.
The death of Leo X prompted a conclave to be held at the end of 1521. Although Cardinals Alexander Farnese and Giulio de Medici were among the favourites, it was Cardinal Matthias Schiner who was finally chosen at the beginning of January 1522 : the Cardinal of Sion had the advantage of having been close to Leo X and Julius II and of having good relations with Charles V without being close to him. Choosing the name Paul, Matthias Schiner became Paul III and expressed his desire to return to the evangelical sources of the Christian message.
In the first two years of his pontificate, Paul III was very active in diplomatic and theological matters. Following in the footsteps of Leo X, he worked to bring together the various Christian sovereigns to form an alliance to fight the Ottoman Turks. His proximity to Emperor Charles V facilitated this work and the siege of Rhodes provided an opportunity to convince many of the reluctant rulers to join in the creation of a military alliance. The Republic of Venice was the most difficult to persuade, as the Pope needed the support of Charles V and some of his other allies to convince the maritime republic to join the alliance. In September 1522, he founded the Holy League to fight the Turks and to realise his predecessor's military expedition project. Although the main Christian powers were present, Paul III deplored the neutrality of Venice, while the Kingdom of Poland did not respond, as Sigismund I was busy settling the conflict with the Principality of Muscovy. Apart from these failures, the Pope supports the military expedition project proposed by Charles V while he negotiates with the French regency to grant the passage of their troops through the Papacy's territories. During the same period, Paul III strengthened ties with the Swiss cantons.
On the theological level, Paul III led two battles. On the one hand, he continued to fight the ideas of Martin Luther, perpetuating the position of his predecessor, but also that which he had taken as cardinal and prince-bishop of Sion in 1521. Thus, he sent Cardinal Lorenzo Campeggio to the second Diet of Nuremberg, which was held from December 1522 to February 1523 and whose subject was the implementation of the decisions of the Diet of Worms. The cardinal in latere of the pope in the imperial lands informed the members of the diet of the pope's message : the latter enjoined them to implement the decisions of the Diet of Worms. The reluctance of the German princes and their demands were not well received by the Pope, who nevertheless perceived the problems raised by them.
At the same time, the new pope began to develop a policy of reform aimed at combating abuses within the Church and returning it to its evangelical roots. Drawing on his experience as a bishop and inspired by some of Erasmus' ideas, he began to implement ecclesiastical and theological reforms from 1522-1523 onwards, aiming to return to the evangelical principles of the Christian message while ensuring that the fundamentals of the Catholic canon were preserved. While he maintained a fairly remarkable standard of living, he sought to develop a more virtuous way of life in the Papal States, arousing some opposition and resentment among the Roman nobility and some cardinals. Among his early reforms was the reorganisation of the Augustinian order. His reforms in the fiscal field were more difficult because of the considerable weight of certain sources of revenue, particularly around papal dispensations. In order to develop his reforms, Paul III chose reformist advisors and corresponded with the great thinkers and bishops in favour of an internal reform of the Church, such as William of Briçonnet or Hugo von Hohenlandenberg, bishop of Constance. His actions and correspondence allowed the emergence of a reform movement throughout Christendom, although its development was hindered by the spread of Martin Luther's ideas and suspicions that some religious representatives were colluding with them.

The death of Leo X and the election of Paul III led Cardinal Giulio de Medici to take on a more consistent role as Gran Maestro of Florence. His governance enabled him to gain the support of the majority of Florence's inhabitants, his austerity and support for the arts and culture allowing the city to gradually regain a lustre it had lost over the last few decades. At the same time, he continued to play an important role in the papacy, being one of the main figures in the pope's inner circle. He brought Florence into the Holy League, thus affirming his links with the papacy and the desire to give Florence the importance it had once had.
The republican faction in Florence, however, was very hostile to him and plotted against him, supported by Cardinal Soderini who was a rival of the Medici. A first plot took shape in the winter of 1522 after a rumour that Cardinal Giulio de' Medici was leaving his position as Gran Maestro was denied. However, in the absence of external support that would allow Giulio de Medici's opponents to act, the latter were forced to wait for an opportunity to arise, carefully preparing their plans. They approached Francesco Maria Della Rovere, who was looking for resources to recruit an army to retake the Duchy of Urbino. The latter was now under papal control, although officially it was under the authority of the Medici.

The Republic of Venice found itself in a very complicated position during the years 1521-1523. While Pope Leo X called for Christian unity to confront the Turks, the Doge procrastinated, not wanting to threaten trade relations with the Ottoman Empire and unwilling to see his city again in conflict with their powerful neighbour after the 1499-1503 war in which it had lost Albania and many Greek possessions. In the interest of preserving trade, the doge signed a non-aggression agreement with the Ottomans in early 1522. But this position of neutrality was undermined by the growing demands of the Pope and pressure from the Emperor Charles V. The latter eventually threatened the republic with the passage through its territories of armed forces destined for the expedition against the Turks, but also promised to help the maritime republic recover some of the lands lost to the Ottomans in previous decades. Between the risk of losing trade opportunities with the Sublime Porte on the one hand and the more direct risk of the Venetian Republic being invaded by the allied armies of the Holy League while the Duchy of Verona and the Habsburg hereditary lands were nearby, the Doge resigned himself to joining the Holy League in the autumn of 1522. The maritime republic allowed its allies to call on the islands it owned and even sent a fleet to supply the defenders of Rhodes at the end of November 1522. In 1523, it prepared its fleet both to participate in the military expedition prepared by the papacy and the emperor Charles V, but also to try to protect its territories from potential Ottoman reprisals.

Unlike its former rival, Genoa did not have these political dilemmas. During the years 1521-1523, Antoniotto II Adorno strengthened his position as doge, taking advantage of the exile of his main rivals. He also consolidated his relations with the French regency. As a result of this rapprochement, the doge joined the Holy League when the kingdom of France agreed to contribute. The doge also saw this as an opportunity to restore his city's position, which had been weakened by the rivalries between the Albergo family and the wars in Italy. But if the doge managed to strengthen his position, he was also confronted with the discontent and ambition of the other Albergo who sought to take advantage of the vacuum caused by the exile of the Fregoso to challenge the doge's power, supported in this by the communes who had never accepted the omnipotence of the doge.

The years 1521-1523 saw the Duchy of Milan in a special situation. Duke Maximilian Sforza had consolidated his position during the previous years, having four children in 1523 : Beatrice, Francesco, Bianca born in 1520 and Ludovico in 1522. Together with his wife Bona, the duke breathed new life into his city, giving it a dynamic cultural and artistic framework and making Milan one of the most important cultural centres of the Italian peninsula.
In order to consolidate his position and preserve his duchy, the Duke consolidated his relations with the Papacy and developed those with Charles V. In the case of relations with the Emperor, however, they were cordial and did not go beyond diplomatic exchanges, the Duke being advised by his wife not to get too close to the Habsburgs, who had as many claims on the Duchy of Milan as the French sovereigns. Maximilian's wife advised him to get closer to the French regency in order to preserve relations with the French kingdom. Maximilian began to develop a policy quite similar to that of his ancestor, Duke Francesco, who had sought to develop a diplomatic policy based on balance between the various neighbours of the duchy to counterbalance the threats of the other pretenders. With this in mind, the duke joined the Holy League in 1522 in order to support Pope Paul III's project and to ensure that his powerful neighbours would not seek to interfere in the affairs of the duchy.
But the years 1521-1523 also saw the beginning of a change in relations between the duchy and the Swiss cantons. With the return of peace and prosperity, the question of maintaining the alliance with the Swiss cantons became increasingly important, even if the existence of different sovereigns who could claim the duchy justified its maintenance for the duke. The payment of the annual pension became a matter of contention for the duke's entourage, while Milanese hostility towards the Swiss grew again as the stability of the duchy increased, calling into question the durability of the Treaty of Bergamo. Growing pressure from his entourage led the duke to slowly detach himself from his alliance with the Swiss : he continued to maintain diplomatic relations with the Swiss cantons, but cut back on the amount of the pension, relying in particular on Bernardino de Medici, a tax collector in his service.

Although not an integral part of the peninsula, the Swiss cantons continued to play an important role in the early 1520s. They continued to maintain an important relationship with the duchy of Milan, even as hostility towards them grew. The Geneva crisis helped to strengthen the ties between the Republic of Geneva and the contiguous cantons, while at the same time contributing to an important rivalry between the Swiss and Duke Charles III of Savoy. The election of Paul III as head of the papacy led to a consolidation of the alliance of the Swiss Confederation with the Papal States. This strengthened alliance led the Swiss cantons to join the Holy League to fight the Turks in 1522, seeing it as an opportunity to provide the various members of the alliance with a large number of mercenaries to support them.
The years 1521-1523 however saw the emergence of a religious controversy in the canton of Zurich. In 1521, Ulrich Zwingli became an important figure in Zurich. As he continued to develop his theological positions, he learned in early 1522 of the election of Matthew Schiner as pope. He received the news with some interest, being friends with the cardinal and knowing his thoughts on the need to reform the Church. He hoped that Paul III would take steps to reform the Church and enable it to cleanse itself of its corruption and return to a more evangelical approach to the message of Christ.
Several events in 1522, however, led the preacher to express several of his positions. The first was the Sausage Affair : in March 1522, one of Zwingli's friends, the humanist printer Christoph Froschauer, fed sausage to his employees and three priests in the middle of Lent, even though the Church forbade the consumption of meat before Easter. Although Zwingli himself abstained from eating meat, he defended the printer's choice in a treatise on the observance of Lent. The controversy provoked a reaction from the ecclesiastics, especially the bishop of Constance. In the autumn of 1522, Zwingli's positions became even more controversial. On the one hand, he published a text questioning the relevance of priestly celibacy, which provoked strong reactions from the ecclesiastical authorities. On the other hand, the announcement of the creation of the Holy League in October 1522 led to a mixed reaction from the preacher: while he was in favour of the alliance with the papacy, Zwingli was not in favour of the involvement of his compatriots in the conflict, denouncing it as a pretext for implementing the mercenary policy developed by the Swiss cantons. His stance against the involvement of the Swiss cantons in the Holy League provoked strong reactions in Zurich and the Swiss Confederation, with many denouncing the preacher's criticisms, particularly because the mercenary policy was the source of their economy.
The major controversies caused by Zwingli's positions led to the holding of a first Dispute in January 1523 to settle the quarrel. During this dispute, Zwingli triumphed, as his opponent, the vicar-general of the Bishop of Constance, was unable to convince the stipendiary priest of the Grossmünster Cathedral in Zurich of his heresy. In the summer of 1523, Zwingli received a message from Paul III. In his message, the pope welcomed his friend's desire for evangelical reform, but warned him not to take too radical measures that would go against the Catholic canon. In the autumn of 1523, a new controversy emerged over the maintenance of the cult of images, which led to a second dispute in October 1523. This colloquy was also an opportunity to debate the issue of priestly celibacy. While Zwingli managed to convince a good part of the audience, the Zurich council was more reserved on these issues, not wanting to shock the bishops and other cantons and fearing a reaction from Pope Paul III, who was paying close attention to the Swiss cantons because of the strengthened links between the papacy and the Swiss confederation and the important exchanges that the Pope was having with some of the bishops as part of his plans for reforming the Church.

 

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1524-1526: Holy League War, the "Habsburg Crusade"
1524 saw the start of the great Holy League expedition, which became known as the "Habsburg Crusade" or, for those with bad taste, the "Last Crusade".

This great expedition began in March 1524 : François III of Brittany left the kingdom of France at the head of thirty thousand men in order to follow the axis of progression decided at the meeting in Cambrai for the French forces. Crossing the territories of Genoa, Modena and the papacy, the French were joined by twenty thousand Swiss mercenaries and condottieres in the service of the pope under the orders of Lodovico de' Medici, nicknamed Giovanni delle Bande Nere. The two armies reached Ancona in June 1524 and were joined by the Venetian fleet, which took charge of transporting them to Durres, which was placed under blockade by the Serenissima's ships in the spring of 1524. Arriving at the Albanian port at the beginning of July 1524, the French and their allies began the siege of the city. In August 1524, they confronted and repelled various forces sent by the local governors to clear the siege. The French artillery and the Venetian blockade allowed the city to fall at the beginning of September 1524, with the loss of about four thousand men to the Franco-Italians and the Venetians. The city was placed under the authority of Venice in accordance with the promises of the Cambrai meeting. After the capture of the city, disagreements emerge between the different commanders: Lodovico de' Medici wanted to join the German-Hungarian armies in Serbia, while the Venetians wanted to consolidate their position in Albania. Although he was close to the Venetians because of the diplomatic ties between the kingdom of France and the Serenissima, François III of Brittany agreed with Lodovico, determined to obtain the most military glory to strengthen his prestige and influence. The Franco-Italian army left the Durrës region at the end of September and headed north. As it moved inland during October, its progress was punctuated by looting to support the army, which provoked the hostility of the local populations. At the beginning of November 1524, François III of Brittany and his allies took the town of Ivanjica. The arrival of the winter season greatly affected the Franco-Italian army and slowed its progress. It was not until around St. Nicholas' Day 1524 that the Italo-French army joined the forces of Louis II of Hungary and the Habsburg commanders in besieging the fortress of Belgrade.
In April 1524, the Germanic armies set out for the Kingdom of Hungary. They consisted of about forty thousand men : Georg von Frunsberg's mercenaries and men from the hereditary lands and many Swiss mercenaries gathered by Ferdinand of Habsburg. These armies were to be joined by forces sent by German princes supporting participation in the expedition, but the outbreak of violent peasant revolts in the southern regions of the Holy Roman Empire diverted these forces from their original purpose. Joining the Kingdom of Hungary in June 1524, the Germanic armies expected to receive support from the Hungarian lords. Instead, they received only sparse and distrustful support from the latter. Although Louis II of Hungary joined them, urged on by some nobles who said they would only come to arms in the presence of the king, only a fraction of the Hungarian nobles and many prelates joined the Germanic armies with their troops, as part of the Hungarian nobility had little interest in fighting the Turks and were suspicious of foreign armies, which they perceived as a Trojan horse of the Habsburgs to increase their influence over the kingdom. Others, such as John Zápolya (1), focused on difficulties and disturbances that could threaten their interests. The divisions of the Hungarian nobility and the lack of motivation of several Hungarian lords delayed the descent of the armies towards Belgrade, with the German-Hungarian armies leaving the Buda region at the end of July 1524. In August 1524, almost sixty-five thousand men crossed the Drava on the bridge built by the Turks at Osijek (2) and reached Šabac, which they besieged at the end of the same month. The fortress fell during October, allowing the Hungarians and their allies to move towards Belgrade. Towards the end of the month, they confronted and defeated a force sent by the bey of Smederevo. They reached Belgrade in early November 1524 and began to lay siege to it. The German-Hungarians were reinforced by the armies of Francis III of Brittany and Giovanni delle Bande Nere in the middle of December 1524.
In May 1524, Charles V embarked in Barcelona on one of the fleets to sail along the North African coast to Egypt. His fleet was joined by ships of the papacy and the Genoese fleet commanded by Andrea Doria. The Christian fleet, made up of almost one hundred and seventy ships, reached Oran in June 1524, allowing the Spaniards to reinforce the garrison that had been present in the city since 1509. They were joined in July 1524 by the Portuguese and English fleets, consisting of around sixty ships in total. The Portuguese took advantage of the expedition to reinforce their presence in Mazagan, Safi and Santa Cruz du Cap de Gué. The three fleets together advanced along the North African coast and reached Algiers at the end of July 1524. The city had been recaptured by Khayr Ad-Dîn in February 1524, forcing his adversary Sidi Ahmed or el Kadhi to retreat to his land. The armies of the Holy League, consisting of about thirty-five thousand men, undertook the siege of the city defended by the barbarians and their Turkish allies. During the siege, Charles V met representatives of Sidi Ahmed or el Kadhi, who offered his help in taking Algiers and driving out Khayr Ad-Dîn. In the middle of August 1524, the emperor accepts that the Sultan of Koukou becomes his tributary in exchange for his protection and the recognition of the presence of the Peñon of Algiers. The decision of the Habsburg sovereign was met with tension by his allies, in particular by the commanders of the Papal and English troops. The reinforcement of the Koukous enabled the armies of the Holy League to seize Algiers towards the end of September 1524. Khayr Ad-Dîn fled, narrowly escaping capture by his adversaries, and took refuge in Bône, under Ottoman control since 1522. The capture of Algiers was greeted with triumph by the members of the Holy League, particularly because many hoped to see the end of the barbarian pirates who had been attacking the Christian coasts. The fall of Algiers also made it possible to free many Christian slaves from the various barbarian raids. Respecting the agreement reached with the Koukous, Charles V had a peace treaty signed in mid-October 1524 which put them in charge of the city. The confirmation of the emperor's promise to the sultan Sidi Ahmed or el Khadi was greeted with irritation by some of his allies, who felt that the capture had served no purpose in their expedition. After the success in Algiers, the fleet of the Holy League set sail again at the beginning of November 1524. Because of the bad season, the expedition reached the Sicilian coast in December 1524 and spent the rest of the winter of 1524-1525 in Trapani.
During 1524, Sultan Suleiman learned about the attacks of the Christian powers against his allies and territories. The Turkish sultan had two difficult years : the revolt of Ahmed Pasha, whom he had appointed governor, the defeat on Rhodes and the attacks of the Christian powers caused anxiety and discontent in the court. During the winter of 1524-1525, the Sultan prepared a military campaign to counter his adversaries and reassert his prestige.

At the beginning of March 1525, the armies of the Holy League succeeded in taking Belgrade. The success of the siege was welcomed by Pope Paul III and the rest of Christendom as a sign from Heavens for the success of the expedition. The armies of the Holy League had lost twelve thousand men to capture the fortress. The passage of winter and the attrition of the siege forced the commanders of the Christian armies to reorganise their forces. This reorganisation allowed them to strengthen the fortress. The period of reorganisation however saw divisions emerge between the Hungarians and their allies : while the commanders of the allied armies of the Holy League wanted to descend on Constantinople, the Hungarians considered instead to consolidate their southern frontiers by seizing the fortress of Smederevo. The hesitations and divisions of the Hungarians aroused the resentment of their allies, and it was decided to lay siege to Smederevo in order to protect Belgrade from a potential Turkish attack. The various armies descended on the fortress and began to lay siege to it from May 1525.
In the spring of 1525, Suleiman the Magnificent left Constantinople with an army of more than 100,000 men, joined by the Pasha of Rumelia, Mehmet Beg Mihaloglu. His aim was to thwart the armies of the Holy League and to retake Belgrade from his opponents. He reached the Smederevo region in June 1524. The arrival of the Turkish army provoked disagreements between the various leaders of the Holy League armies as to whether to withdraw or to confront the Turkish army in order to protect Belgrade and try to open the road to Constantinople. The Hungarian lords were hostile to the idea of Belgrade being lost to the Turks again and encouraged their allies to confront the Turkish army. While the Habsburg commanders were not interested in risking a pitched battle, the Hungarians were supported by Francis III of Brittany, who wanted to cross swords with the Turks and become the equal of the former crusader kings. This led to the choice of an armed confrontation with the Ottoman army, but wanting to gain an advantage over their opponents, the armies of the Holy League withdrew to Belgrade and settled near Hisarlik (3). The Ottomans joined them in early July 1525. Faced with Soliman's 100,000 soldiers, the armies of the Holy League deployed some eighty thousand men.
The Battle of Hisarlik, which broke out on 8 July 1525, began with a charge by the Hungarian cavalry, as the Hungarians did not want to wait for the Turks to complete their deployment. This charge provoked a charge by the French gendarmerie to support their allies and prevent them from being cut off from the rest of the Holy League forces. As the rest of the Holy League deployed, the charge of the French and Hungarian cavalry broke through the Romanian cavalry and some Turkish infantry units, but came under fire from Turkish artillery. While the charge destructured the Turkish left wing and could allow the envelopment of the Ottoman army, the Hungarian cavalrymen preferred to plunder the neighbouring Turkish camp instead of chasing the Timariotes. They cut themselves off from the French cavalrymen who were chasing the Turkish cavalrymen and were massacred by the janissaries. Separated from their allies, the French horsemen are confronted by the spahis and are forced to withdraw. François III of Brittany was wounded during the confrontation. However, the Turkish army was forced to reorganise its left wing, while the armies of the Holy League sought to exploit its weakness to disrupt their opponents. A violent melee ensued, with the discipline of the elite Turkish troops facing that of Georg von Frunsberg's lansquenets and the Swiss pikemen supporting Giovanni delle Bande Nere's company. The French artillery aimed at the Turkish forces seeking to envelop their allies, while the Turkish artillery sought to disrupt the German-Italian lines. The situation changed as the Hungarians suffered the heaviest losses against the Ottomans, creating a gap in the organisation of the Holy League armies. The Turks sought to take advantage of the situation and concentrated their attacks on Louis II's men. Under pressure, the latter began to flee the battle while their allies sought to prevent the dislocation of their forces. In the clashes, Giovanni delle Bande Nere is seriously wounded, causing confusion among his men and worsening the situation. Threatened with dislocation, the armies of the Holy League sought to retreat, but were nearly routed. Only the sacrifice of German lansquenets prevented disaster. The battle ended at dusk and saw the armies of the Holy League losing nearly twenty-five thousand men, while the Turks suffered over fifteen thousand killed and wounded. Some of the Holy League forces retreated to Belgrade, while the majority went to Šabac. In the defeat of Hisarlik, several Hungarian prelates and barons died, while Giovanni delle Bande Nere of his wounds in the days following the end of the battle. The Christian armies reorganised in the Šabac region during the summer and autumn of 1525. The news of the Turkish siege of Belgrade caused many divisions among its commanders, the Hungarians wanting to protect the fortress at all costs, while the French and Lodovico's men were not very motivated to do so as they reorganised. The Habsburg forces send some of their forces to try to rescue the Belgrade garrison but fail to disrupt the siege. The news of the fall of the fortress contributed to divisions and weakened the motivation of some members of the expedition, who began to see the goal of reaching Constantinople as more difficult to achieve. To these concerns were added political motivations : having narrowly escaped death, François III of Brittany considered that he had spent more than two years away from the kingdom of France and that it was necessary for him to return in order to reassert his influence at court.
Despite his success, Suleiman preferred to delay, as he himself had been wounded in the confrontation and his army had suffered heavy losses. Only in the second half of July, after recovering from his injury and certain that he would not be attacked again by the Holy League, did he move up to Belgrade and lay siege to it at the beginning of August, encircling nearly six thousand Hungarians and Germans. During the siege, the Holy League commanders sent some of their forces to try to break the siege and relieve the garrison. If these efforts were unsuccessful, they forced Suleiman to deploy some of his forces to avoid a surprise attack. Despite the defence of the garrison and occasional attacks by the Holy League to destabilise the siege, the siege capabilities of the Ottomans and the weakening of the fortress following the siege of a few months earlier meant that Suleiman again captured the fortress during October 1525. The arrival of autumn, however, prevented the Turkish sultan from exploiting his success further. He left part of his armies in the hands of Mustapha Pasha and Mehmet Beg Mihaloglu, aware that his opponents still seemed able to act before returning to Constantinople, which he reached at the end of November 1525. News from the south of his empire also forced him to take an interest.

In April 1525, Charles V's expedition set sail again after having reorganised and strengthened its forces. The various commanders also took advantage of the winter period to reaffirm the expedition's objectives : to take control of the Nile delta before reaching the Holy Land. The news of the capture of Belgrade by the other expedition gave the emperor and his allies hope of success against the Ottomans. The expedition stopped in the Tunis region in May 1525, allowing Charles V to force the Hafsid Sultan, Abû `AbdAllâh Muhammad IV al-Mutawakkil, to recognise the Habsburg Emperor's suzerainty in exchange for the retention of his title. The Sultan was also obliged to cede La Goulette to the Spaniards to signify their presence in the region. Like what had happened in Algiers, this approach of Charles V was badly perceived by some of his allies who did not understand why they did not seize the Muslim cities. This helped to fuel divisions within the expedition that had been brewing since the previous year. The English contingent was particularly bitter, finding less and less reason to participate in the expedition. Setting sail again in June, the fleet stopped at the island of Djerba, which the Spanish soldiers and their allies recaptured from the Turks before stopping at Tripoli at the end of the month, allowing the Spaniards to strengthen their position in this territory. In July 1525, the expedition reached the area around Alexandria. The forty thousand men of the expedition landed on the outskirts of the city and laid siege to it during the second half of July. The armies of the Holy League captured the city in August 1525 and headed for Damietta to capture it and control the Nile Delta. The arrival of Charles V's army and the fall of Damietta helped to fuel the instability that had resulted from Ahmed Pasha's revolt over the previous two years as the governor of Egypt, Pargali Ibrahim Pasha, struggled to mobilise forces to stop the Christian army while preventing any further revolt against Suleiman's rule. In late August 1525, the Holy League expedition captured Damietta. With the Nile delta under his control, Charles V decided to descend on Cairo to secure his rear and allow the Mamluks to re-establish themselves in Egypt. Moving down the Nile, the army of the Holy League seized Mansourah and confronted the forces of the Bey of Egypt south of the city. The battle was fierce and the Christian armies suffered from the heat, but managed to disperse the Egyptian force while suffering heavy losses. The rest of the army reached Cairo in September 1525 and laid siege to the Citadel where the Bey of Egypt had taken refuge. The citadel fell at the end of the month and the bey was captured. After this success, Charles V appointed various Mamluk emirs to lead the Egyptian territory in exchange for the recognition of his suzerainty. During the autumn of 1525, Charles V reorganised the remaining forces of the expedition as disagreements and opposition increased.

In the spring of 1526, the Holy League expedition to Hungary was again reorganised and reinforced with troops sent by Ferdinand of Habsburg in order to make another attempt to move south. But several divisions developed among the various commanders. The French were not in favour of continuing the expedition, with Francis III of Brittany preferring to prepare for a return to his kingdom while his forces were weakened without the possibility of being renewed. The departure of the French in April 1526 caused bitterness and anger among the other members of the expedition. In addition, there were deep divisions among the Hungarians, between those who wanted to support the expedition in the hope of recovering Belgrade and those who were more hostile to the Holy League and the Habsburgs, making Louis II's position very uncomfortable. As for Giovanni delle Bande Nere's mercenaries, they were taken over by Georg von Frunsberg, but he was faced with the problem of paying his men. Some of the mercenaries lived off the land, causing unrest in the Hungarian lands and fuelling tensions between the members of the Holy League and the Magyar nobles. The commanders of Ferdinand of Habsburg's forces wanted to resume the expedition so that they could support Charles V and at least help to weaken the Turkish threat to the Kingdom of Hungary and the Christian lands. It was finally decided to organise a new expedition to Belgrade to retake it and prevent the Ottomans from being able to move north. Thirty thousand men descended on the fortress in May 1526, passing through Šabac and reaching Belgrade again in early July 1526. They began the siege, but were met with fierce resistance from the garrison. At the end of August 1526, the besieging army was attacked by an army sent by the Pasha of Rumelia. A violent confrontation forced the besiegers to lift the siege and retreat northwards, sounding the death knell for the Balkan expedition.

In the Mediterranean, Charles V also faced major difficulties. After a long year of campaigning, the army he commanded was weakened and had to deal with the major unrest in Egypt, while the prospect of an Ottoman counter-attack was high. In addition, the announcement of the loss of Belgrade and the defeat of Hisarlik compromised the expedition's chances of success. Finally, he learns of the unrest that had affected the lands of the Empire during the previous year and the growing rift among the German princes as Luther's ideas continued to flourish. Unwilling to see his domains implode in his absence, the emperor hesitated about what to do. He decided to consolidate the position in Egypt to prevent the Ottomans from taking it, relying on the Mamluks as allies. With his new local allies, he obtained possession of Damietta in exchange for the return of Mamluk suzerainty over Egypt. In March 1526, the emperor learned of the arrival of an army led by the Pasha of Syria to drive his army out of Egypt and regain control. Mobilising his remaining forces and supported by some Mamluk auxiliaries, the Emperor went to meet this opposing army and confronted it near El-Qantara in April 1526. The raging battle saw the Imperials and their allies triumph with difficulty over their opponents, Charles V being almost defeated when some of the Egyptian troops defected. But the battle was a Pyrrhic victory and the Pasha of Syria was only pushed out of Egyptian lands. This success, however, allowed Charles V to stabilise the power of the new Mamluk emirs. Determined to restore stability to the Holy Roman Empire and to put an end to the unrest caused by Martin Luther's ideas, the Habsburg emperor prepared to leave his forces, leaving only a sizeable garrison in Damietta. The Holy League fleet left Egypt in July 1526. It stopped again at Tripoli before heading for Malta and then Messina in early October 1526. On his return, Charles V learned of the dissolution of the Balkan expedition and its failure to recapture Belgrade. These failures nourished a deep bitterness in the sovereign, aggravated by the fact that he learned of the departure of the French from the expedition at the beginning of the year.

(1) Between 1523 and 1525, John Zápolya supported the Grand Prince of Wallachia, Radu V, against his various rivals. He enabled the sovereign to stabilise his power, which remained very fragile because of the important power of the Boyars.
(2) During his 1521 expedition, Suleiman built a bridge at Osijek to enable him to attack the heart of the Hungarian lands.
(3) Hisarlik is the Turkish name for Grocka, south-east of Belgrade.

 

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1524-1526: the triumph of Mary of England
The years 1524-1526 saw events disrupt the political balance within the kingdom of France and the royal court as certain policies were confirmed.

In April 1524, Francis III of Brittany led the army that took part in the expedition against the Ottoman Empire. The departure of the heir apparent was an opportunity for Mary of England to strengthen her influence in the court and to counterbalance that of the Valois-Angouleme clan. She found herself in an even stronger position as during the summer and autumn of 1524, the Valois-Angouleme family was bereaved twice: in July 1524 it lost Claude de France and in September Charlotte, one of François' daughters.
The death of the wife of Francis III of Brittany led to a regency in Brittany, while the eldest son of the heir apparent to the French crown, Francis, became the new legitimate duke of Brittany under the name of Francis IV. The new duke's younger brothers, Henry and Charles, were placed under the care of their aunt and grandmother, Marguerite and Louise of Savoy. The regency of Brittany was a thorny issue at court, as the Breton lords' desire for autonomy persisted and grew stronger in the years following the death of Louis XII. Pierre II de Rohan-Gié, an important lord of the duchy, was appointed by the duke as governor of the duchy in his absence, but the death of Claude de France made him the most important and powerful figure in the duchy. His support for the Valois-Angouleme family contributed to the development of an opposition between him and the regent, the dowager queen wishing to weaken the influence and power of the family of the heir apparent and rival. In the absence of Francis III of Brittany, it was Louise of Savoy and Marguerite who were at the head of the Valois-Angoulême clan, the latter supported by her husband Charles IV of Alençon. During this period, they set out to preserve their family's influence against the dowager queen. In doing so, they contributed to perpetuating the rivalry between the Breton and English parties and led their contemporaries to describe the situation as the "reign of the ladies". While she had to manage and satisfy the demands of the heir apparent's allies to the crown, Mary strengthened her position as regent and developed the policies she wished to see implemented with greater ease. While she continued to rely on Antoine Duprat, she also sought to develop her network within the court and the royal council. Guillaume Brudé became one of her most important advisors, particularly because of his role as tutor to Charles IX. On his advice, she decided in 1525 to create the royal reading college, inspired by the college of the three languages of Louvain founded in 1518, in order to promote the study of Greek, Hebrew and mathematics.
On the diplomatic front, although she continued to rely on the policy defended by Francis III, particularly because of the military contribution, the dowager queen appropriated it to make her own mark, particularly in relations with the states of the Italian peninsula. She worked in such a way as to be able to distinguish the kingdom from the Habsburg projects, in particular to preserve its territorial integrity. She continued to finance the troops of Francis III of Brittany, even though the distance and duration made this operation complicated. The regent also continued to maintain relations with the kingdom of England, while developments in Scotland led her to support her sister more openly. She also began to consider her son's future marriage, keen to find a marriage that would serve the kingdom's interests and strengthen its ties with other kingdoms to counterbalance the influence of Charles V. Among the nations with which she forged ties was the Kingdom of Poland: Sigismund I of Poland took a dim view of Charles V's interest in the Great Princely House of Muscovy and wanted to get closer to one of his potential rivals in order to protect his kingdom from a potential alliance between the Habsburgs and Vasily III, even though his wife Cunegund was more in favour of an alliance with the Duchy of Bavaria, which was close to Charles V. A marriage project was agreed in the summer of 1525 between the two kingdoms.
In the autumn of 1526, Francis III of Brittany (who became Francis of Valois following the death of his wife) returned to France with the rest of the army that had accompanied him on the expedition against the Turks. The return of the heir apparent to the crown renewed the rivalry between the queen dowager and the latter, even though Mary was now in a position of strength, as Francis had to handle the regency of her son François IV of Brittany. The heir apparent could rely on his family and allies and the prestige gained during the military campaign against the Turks, but had to face the more open demands of the Breton barons for the autonomy of their duchy and the fact that he had to make up for the two years of absence that had allowed Mary to impose herself at court.

After spending the winter of 1523-1524 on the Land of Orleans, Giovanni Verrazzano set sail again for Newfoundland in March 1524. Crossing the North Atlantic, he reached the kingdom of France in May 1524, where he presented the queen dowager with the results of his expedition and gave his account. In particular, he presents the wealth of the Land of Orleans, some of the natives he brought back on his voyage and the fact that he may have found a passage to the Pacific. The navigator asks the queen dowager to develop a new expedition in order to create a colony in the Land of Orleans and to be able to explore this passage to the Pacific Ocean. Although the queen dowager and the royal council had some reservations because of the conflict with the Turks and the difficulties of setting up such an undertaking, the prospect of finding a passage to Asia helped to appease them. Marie also saw it as an opportunity to develop commercial links with the inhabitants of the Land of Orleans and to develop influence in the New World, which would give her son the means to counterbalance the influence of the Habsburgs and prevent them from expanding everywhere. The project of a second expedition was supported by the Valois-Angouleme clan, as it would strengthen the Duchy of Brittany. The family of the heir apparent to the crown, however, wished to see a more pronounced presence in Newfoundland, as many Breton fishermen had been fishing for cod in its waters since the early 1520s. A second expedition was prepared during the rest of 1524, with the recruitment of volunteers and the gathering of ships to carry the expedition.
After several months of preparation, it was in March 1525 that Giovanni Verrazzano left Dieppe with a fleet of about ten ships carrying nearly a thousand men, including four hundred colonists, livestock and food for fifteen months. Crossing the North Atlantic in the winter, the expedition reached Newfoundland in May 1525 before reaching the Land of Orleans at the end of June. The colonists established Fort Charlesbourg while Giovanni Verrazzano began to renew contacts with the Leni Lenape, notably with the aim of developing commercial relations with them, arousing their interest. In July 1525, after helping the new governor of New France to consolidate Fort Charlesbourg, Verrazzano set sail again to find the passage to the Pacific south of Arcadia. He found the area in June and began to explore. The exploration was complicated by the strong currents and shallow waters, but the Italian navigator and his crew managed to explore some parts before the arrival of autumn forced them to sail north. During the summer of 1525, Fort Charlesbourg developed slowly, taking advantage of the warm weather to produce a winter crop and developing ties with the Leni Lenape. These different elements allowed the expedition to better prepare for winter, while the memory of the previous expedition helped to prevent the emergence of scurvy. The passage of the winter of 1525-1526 was complicated, with part of the expedition being decimated by cold and hunger. But the resources prepared for the expedition and the help of the Leni Lenape enabled Fort Charlesbourg to get through its first winter.
During 1526, Fort Charlesbourg developed somewhat as the settlers explored the surrounding area and waters. Contact with the Leni Lenape led to the discovery of certain resources in the area that could be exploited for the colony's survival. The governor had the nearby river explored in the spring of 1526, naming it the Saint John (1) in honour of the Italian navigator. The latter set sail again to explore further what he thought was the passage to the Pacific Ocean. The exploration was always rather complicated, but Verrazzano managed to discover more of the area, entering the passage during the spring and summer of 1526. He discovered a large lagoon that seemed to disappear into unknown lands. He and his crew came across other natives with whom contact was sometimes uncertain or tense. Returning to Fort Charlesbourg in September 1526, the Italian navigator took stock of his latest explorations and helped to develop relations with the Leni Lenape. He also prepared for the return to France when a good part of the resources planned for the expedition had been consumed.

(1) The Hudson River OTL.

 

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1524-1526: In the British Isles
The years 1524-1526 saw the kingdoms of England and Scotland continue to evolve in a rather unusual context.

In March 1524, the kingdom of England sent a fleet and fifteen thousand men to join the expedition led by Charles V. Henry VIII put his best friend, the Duke of Suffolk, Charles Brandon, in command of the expedition, the man having proved himself in the war against France in 1513. The English sovereign was enthusiastic about the project, thinking that he would gain glory through this expedition, and was supported by his wife, who welcomed his support for his nephew's project. The English subjects, however, were less interested in this military expedition project, which was so far from their main interests. This limited enthusiasm was felt among the members of the army accompanying Charles Brandon and deteriorated as the expedition developed during 1524-1525: while the expedition achieved many successes in the capture of Algiers, Djerba, Damietta and Cairo, it was also punctuated by Charles V's diplomatic actions, which made several local Muslim rulers dependent on his authority, creating misunderstanding and resentment among his allies. The English forces were particularly resentful of these decisions, as they felt that they were only serving to enable the Habsburg ruler to strengthen his influence beyond his domains. This feeling was also echoed at the English court, where the prolongation of the expedition brought out a deep rejection of it, especially as Henry VIII also began to wonder whether Charles V was not trying to deceive him as he had done with Ferdinand II of Aragon during the conflict with France. The initial enthusiasm for the expedition waned as the months went by, due both to the sovereign's fickleness and to the occasional news he received from Charles Brandon. In addition, there were difficulties in continuing to finance the expedition because of the distance and the length of the expedition. Charles Brandon accompanied Charles V on the 1525 expedition, but returned in early 1526 after the success in Egypt. The Duke of Suffolk had mixed feelings about the outcome of the expedition, as the personal gains for his sovereign and friend were too meagre and symbolic to be satisfactory and had mainly served Charles V's purposes. In addition to these mixed gains, the English forces suffered from heat and disease during the campaign in Egypt, with Charles Brandon himself affected by the conditions of the military campaign. These factors contributed to Henry VIII's growing mistrust of Charles V. The English sovereign continued to maintain cordial relations with the Habsburgs, but strengthened his ties with the kingdom of France and the kingdom of Scotland. With the northern kingdom, Henry VIII benefited in the latter case from the triumph of Archibald Douglas in the governance of Scotland, although he failed to persuade his sister Margaret to recognise the latter's authority.
In parallel to the situation resulting from the participation in the expedition against the Ottomans, the kingdom of England continued to function more or less as it had done since 1515. Trade with the kingdom of France and Flanders ensured a certain economic stability for the kingdom, although the financial cost of the expedition affected the royal treasury and led Henry VIII to ask his chancellor in 1525 to consider a way of continuing to finance Charles Brandon's army. But the attempt to levy a new tax to finance the expedition resulted in a rebellion by certain English lords and sections of the population, notably through protests and refusals to comply. The rebellion lasted for several weeks and even turned into a riot in Suffolk, forcing Wolsey to withdraw the new tax. This failure contributed to weakening Henry VIII's confidence in his adviser, but also made it more difficult for Charles Brandon to continue to participate in Charles V's expedition, forcing him to return from Egypt in early 1526.
While his interest in the Holy League expedition waned and disappeared, Henry VIII saw his interest in a proposed expedition to the New World grow and strengthen as his sister Mary financed a second expedition to these unknown territories. In the spring of 1526, he asked Wolsey to find a navigator willing to lead an expedition to the New World in order to discover a northeast passage to the Pacific and Asia. The Chancellor set about preparing it and recruited John Rut, the captain of the royal ship Mary Guilford, who was attached to the King's household and responsible for supplying the kingdom with Bordeaux wine.
In 1525, Henry VIII met Anne Boleyn, the second daughter of his ambassador to France. Although Anne's older sister, Mary, had been the king's mistress for a time, he now desired the young woman. She rejects his advances, which strengthens his determination to have her. As the months pass in 1526, this desire is combined with the sovereign's desire to have a male heir, especially as Anne refuses to be the king's mistress, but the sovereign's wife. This gives Henry VIII motivation for the plan to annul his marriage to Katherine of Aragon, especially as he sees the failure of most of Katherine's pregnancies as divine retribution for marrying his brother's widow.

The kingdom of Scotland was at the height of tensions in 1524 between the regent, the Duke of Albany, and his rival Archibald Douglas as incidents between the two men's allies increased. Despite the support of the French court, Albany was unable to prevail over his rival and consolidate his position as regent. With the intensity of the tensions threatening to destroy the compromise reached at the Treaty of Calais, the faction that has grown up around Queen Dowager Margaret is determined to act. Margaret found an opportunity to restore herself to a key position in the governance of the realm by relying on the Parliament of Edinburgh: in July 1524, she obtained its approval to end James V's minority. Her action was supported by members of the English party as Albany sought to overturn this decision which ended his position as regent. The failure of his attempts led him to resign his position in the autumn of 1524 before retiring from the Scottish court, preferring to return to his French lands to support the Valois-Angouleme clan.
Albany's departure created a certain vacuum into which Archibald Douglas stepped, taking advantage of the opportunity to take over James V's guardianship. The result was a certain rivalry between him and his wife, the dowager queen having managed to develop enough influence to be able to defend her positions again after the loss of her position as regent in 1514. While she continued to weave her influence in such a way as not to fall out of favour in such a divided court, Margaret had built up a group of allies among members of the pro-French and pro-English factions who were not divided by clan rivalries. In doing so, the Queen Dowager seeks to reclaim her son while Archibald Douglas keeps him close and watchful. This rivalry was compounded by Margaret's desire to seek an annulment of the marriage from Pope Paul III and obtained it in the autumn of 1526. Albany's departure and Margaret's new position allowed her to have the explicit support of her younger sister in defending her prerogatives as dowager queen against her own husband.

 

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1524-1526: Incidents in the Germanic and Hungarian lands
The years 1524-1526 were marked by numerous events and incidents affecting the Habsburg and Hungarian territories.

The Holy Roman Empire was affected from 1524 onwards by major peasant revolts in its southern territories. Most of these movements had in common the defence of traditional rights, better conditions for the peasants and were inspired by the ideas of Martin Luther. Although most of the movements were suppressed by the various German lords, the most consistent movement was formed between December 1524 and March 1525 under the name of the Christian Union of Upper Swabia, which advocated twelve articles aimed at improving their conditions. In March 1525, this movement sought to negotiate with the Swabian League, but the failure of the negotiations precipitated violent unrest between March and May 1525. The most famous incident of this conflict took place in Weinsberg at Easter 1525: the peasants attacked the castle in which Count Ludwig of Helfenstein, hated by the peasants for his brutality, was staying. The count narrowly escaped a brutal death thanks to the large presence of soldiers, but the clashes resulted in many victims on both sides. The German princes, notably William IV of Bavaria and the members of the Swabian League, crushed these movements in blood. Other smaller uprisings broke out during the summer and met the same fate. While the revolts were swiftly suppressed, they contributed to limit the flow of reinforcements to the Holy League expedition to Hungary and reinforced the rift among German princes over Luther's ideas, some of whom perceived the German monk as a troublemaker. These various troubles contribute to the demand for a general council among the German princes to resolve the problems. In this tense context, while the controversy over the application of the Edict of Worms persisted, the Reformed or Lutheran princes came together in a diplomatic alliance, the League of Torgau, shortly after the Diet of Speyer in 1525, in order to defend their rights and to prevent the Edict from being applied.
In the absence of Charles V, who was away on an expedition, it was his brother Ferdinand who was in contact with the German princes and exchanged views with them on the various issues affecting the Holy Roman Empire, in particular compliance with the Edict of Worms and the ideas of Martin Luther. The Archduke of Austria sought to defend his brother's positions, but also had to find compromises with the German princes, as he had no more important or solid position than those of his interlocutors. At the Diet of Speyer in 1525, the Archduke agreed to make some concessions to the German princes regarding the Edict of Worms. In parallel with these events, the Archduke undertook to strengthen his authority in the Hereditary Lands while supporting the Holy League expedition as much as possible, in particular by sending reinforcements to strengthen the main expedition and above all by supporting the Croatian ban against Turkish incursions into his lands. In 1526, his wife Anne gave birth to their first child, Elisabeth.

The years 1524-1526 were peculiar for the Kingdom of Hungary. The arrival of the armies of the Holy League did not appease the virulent divisions within the country's elites, so much so that Louis II was forced to take the lead of the Hungarian army in order to push several of his lords and prelates to participate in the campaign of their allies. But some of the great lords, such as the Voivode of Transylvania, John Zápolya, did not participate in the campaign. Nevertheless, these difficulties and divisions did not prevent the Holy League expedition from having a certain impact on the conflict between the Hungarian kingdom and the Ottoman Empire by forcing the interruption of the attacks that the latter had been carrying out since 1521 against the southern territories of the kingdom. Thus, the 1524 campaign forced the Turks to lift the siege of Szörény, preventing its fall. Although the main expedition of the Holy League failed to push the Ottomans further south, it stabilised the southern border of the Magyar kingdom and gave it some respite. The Holy League campaign in 1524-26 enabled the Hungarians to regain control of the territories between Osijek and Šabac. In parallel to this expedition, reinforcements sent by Ferdinand of Habsburg enabled the Croatian ban to consolidate the defence of its territories, especially in Jajce, which was in the territories most threatened by Ottoman incursions.
The participation of Louis II of Hungary in the Holy League expedition to encourage his lords to contribute to it led to his wife, Mary of Austria, becoming regent in his absence. The queen became the most important figure at the Hungarian and Bohemian court as she deployed her governing skills to best run a failing kingdom. She relied heavily on her German advisors to strengthen royal power in both Hungary and Bohemia. While she interacts with her brother Ferdinand in the context of cooperation against the Ottomans and to learn from his policies, she also strives to defend the interests of her husband's kingdom and to assert herself against a nobility and aristocracy that is reluctant to trust her. Her skills and ability to govern consolidated her husband's reign, but her reliance on foreign advisors and her efforts to strengthen royal authority aroused strong opposition from Hungarian magnates, who did not want to lose any of their privileges and were hostile to foreign interference. In order to deal with this divided elite determined to defend its interests, Mary had to agree to the maintenance of the diets (1) while her husband and several lords and prelates were on campaign. Unable to attend due to her status as Queen Consort and foreign queen, she had to rely on the secretary of Chancellor Ladislaus Szalkai, Tamás Szalaházi, to be represented and to defend her prerogatives and those of her husband. In spite of this handicap and the divergent interests of her ally, the regent managed to deploy her qualities of governance by seeking the support of certain figures of the middle nobility who wanted to counteract the influence of the aristocracy. Due to the absence of several important figures who had gone on campaign with Louis II, the Diet of May 1525 presented a special situation where members of the middle nobility sought to take advantage of the situation to impose themselves and strengthen their influence. During the Diet, the Voivode of Transylvania, John Zápolya, also sought to take advantage of the situation to strengthen his influence and impose his interests, although he also sought the regent's favour to consolidate his position.
The recapture of Belgrade in 1525 alleviated some of these divisions and unrest. The royal court was also strengthened by the participation of Louis II in the siege. However, Mary had to deal with the demands of the aristocrats and prelates, who formed a common front to defend their interests and demanded important positions in the council and the court, while at the same time getting rid of the presence of figures close to the nobility or its foreign advisors. The situation deteriorated again with the defeat of Hisarlik and the recapture of Belgrade by the Ottomans. Tensions were heightened by the fact that several lords and prelates who had accompanied Louis II in the military campaign were killed in the battle. This provoked a major crisis, with aristocrats and nobles wanting to occupy the positions left vacant, particularly that of chancellor. An emergency Diet was held in Hatvan in November 1525, and the tumultuous and brutal atmosphere saw the nobility impose several of their men on the vacant positions, taking advantage of the difficult situation to blame the aristocratic faction for their corruption and blaming them for the failures of the king and his Holy League allies against the Ottomans. However, Mary gave the seal of chancellor to Tamás Szalaházi.
The year 1526 saw an acceleration of tensions within the Magyar kingdom: Louis II was forced to give up accompanying the new Holy League campaign due to the opposition of the Hungarian lords who survived the Battle of Hisarlik, who preferred to consolidate the recapture of Šabac and not to risk their forces further in the conflict. Returning to Buda in April 1526, the Hungarian monarch resumed the rule of his kingdom, but relied on his wife, whose management of the kingdom in his absence he welcomed. However, the sovereign was confronted with a more pronounced partisan split and tensions between the various factions were so great that the risk of civil war seemed unavoidable. The Diet held in Rákos (2) in the summer of 1526 was held under arms as the divisions between the various factions were so pronounced and Louis II and his wife tried to assert their power in order to be above the internal quarrels that were rotting their kingdom. In this very troubled and uncertain context, he and his wife relied on the development of a secret league of nobles, the Adventurous Union, which had been created in early 1526. This league was a defensive alliance like the aristocratic league, but emphasised its loyalty to the sovereign. Thanks to the initiatives of this league, Louis II was able to establish laws that strengthened his power, notably by abolishing the institution of assessors, who were responsible for appointing some of the nobles, this role being henceforth entirely devolved to the king, while the palatine was appointed for life, the office being devolved to Stephen VII Báthory (3), who had held it twice in the past.
While the Holy League dissolved after the failure of the second siege of Belgrade, Ludwig II sought to preserve the support of the Christian powers against the Ottomans, who were proving more threatening than ever. While he relied more on the Habsburgs and was able to receive subsidies from the papacy, the young king also turned to his uncle Sigismund I of Poland for support, taking advantage of the fact that the Polish ruler was no longer in conflict with the Teutonic Knights (4).
During this period, while Ludwig II participated in the Holy League expedition, his most powerful lord, John Zápolya, was busy supporting Prince Radu V of Wallachia. The latter is opposed by the boyars but also by the Turks who support Vladislav III as ruler in order to vassalise the principality. The death of Vladislav III in August 1525 and the alliance of Radu V with the Craiovescu family thanks to his marriage to Ruxandra Basaraba in the same year consolidated the position of the Wallachian prince, even if this distended his relations with John Zápolya. The Holy League War allowed Radu V to distance himself somewhat from Ottoman influence in 1524-1525. However, with the Turks back in force against the Holy League and the influence of his in-laws, he ended up paying tribute to Suleiman in the winter of 1526. He continued to maintain ties with the Voivode of Transylvania, but his new situation weakened the latter's support for him. In the same year, he was confronted with a plundering expedition by Prince Stephen IV of Moldavia, who was hostile to him because of his marriage to Ruxandra Basaraba, which he had wanted. The Moldavian prince's attack aroused the hostility of the Wallachian prince, but also of John Zápolya, who took a dim view of this impulsive and violent policy, which could threaten his own lands, and of Poland, with which Stephen IV had fallen out a few years earlier.

(1) Although the diets had existed for a long time in the Kingdom of Hungary, they multiplied during the regency of Ludwig II, giving them a significant role despite their limited political impact.
(2) This is a field near Buda where most of the diets of Louis II's reign were held.
(3) A member of the Báthory line of Ecsed.
(4) In January 1525, Albert of Brandenburg-Ansach, Grand Master of the Teutonic Knights, decided to embrace the ideas of Martin Luther and secularised the order as a duchy of Prussia, which swore vassalage to Sigismund I of Poland.

 

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1524-1526: Italy and Switzerland
The years 1524-1526 saw developments in the Swiss cantons and Italian territories as the papacy faced major challenges.

The years 1524-1526 saw the development of the ideas of Ulrich Zwingli in the canton of Zurich. Zwingli was able to make his position in the city council flourish during 1524, which led to a strengthening of the opposition of the Bishop of Constance. This was not the only opposition the preacher faced. On the one hand, some of the Swiss cantons were hostile to him because of his opposition to the practice of mercenarism. On the other hand, Paul III warned his friend of the risks of breaking with the Church, even though he recognised the desire to reform the cult. The messages of Paul III were what kept Zwingli from going further in his break with the Church, as the preacher was not as hostile towards the Holy See as Martin Luther and respected the pontiff very much, especially for his willingness to reform. In doing so, his caution led him to be confronted by some of his companions who felt that he had not gone far enough in his reforms within Zurich. Among them were Felix Manz and Conrad Grebel, who in January 1525 denounced the principle of baptism and created the Anabaptist movement. Their actions contributed to the rupture between Zwingli and them and accelerated the development of the reforms advocated by Zwingli, even if the question of the abolition of the mass remained controversial. In the autumn of 1525, hearing of the battle of Hisarlik, Zwingli made a new speech denouncing the abuses of mercenarism for his fellow citizens. His words contributed to reinforce the hostility of several cantons towards him, while pressure was growing on Zurich both because of the choices made on the theological level and because of the denunciation of mercenarism, which was the basis of the economic prosperity of several cantons. In addition to these tensions, Zwingli was also at odds with Martin Luther, with whom he disagreed on various issues, including the Eucharist.

In addition to the unrest in the Holy Roman Empire and the emergence of a Reformed movement in Zurich, Pope Paul III was confronted with a quarrel over the position of the Archbishop of Sweden. After the exile of Christian II of Denmark and the flight of the Swedish archbishop, Gustaf Trolle, Gustav Vasa became the new ruler of Sweden and began to consolidate his power. Among the decisions taken was the appointment of Johannes Magnus as the new Archbishop of Sweden. The new Swedish ruler sent a message to the Pope asking him to approve the enthronement of Johannes Magnus in this position. Paul III was unsure how to respond to this request: the ousting of Gustaf Trolle had not been done according to canonical rules. The pontiff decided to send a diplomatic reply to Gustav Vasa explaining that since Gustaf Trolle's ouster was not legal, a new archbishop of Sweden could not be chosen. This response causes tension between Gustav Vasa and the Pope, as the Swedish ruler refuses to take back the archbishop responsible for the Stockholm Bloodbath and his father's death. Paul III used his diplomatic skills to try to convince the Swedish ruler to take account of canonical rules, but also sought to appease the latter, as he was reluctant to see the crisis into which the Church seemed to be plunging spread further. He agreed to consider the bishops suggested by Gustav Vasa for the other vacant positions in Sweden, but remained firm on the case of Gustaf Trolle. While the Pope's willingness to accept his choices of bishops for the other positions led Gustavus Vasa to maintain contact with the papacy, Paul III's firmness on the case of the Swedish archbishop contributed to the maintenance of a sharp tension between the Swedish crown and the papacy. This tension was aggravated by the fact that the Swedish ruler increasingly listened to the advice of Laurentius Andreae, a reformer who supported Luther's ideas. An ambiguous situation developed during this period: Gustavus I did not break completely with Rome, but following the advice of preachers favourable to the ideas of Martin Luther, he began to develop a policy of reappropriation of the property of the Church of Sweden by the Swedish crown, inspired also by what his Danish neighbour, Frederick I, was doing.
In parallel to this unrest, the Pope continued to undertake his reforms in an attempt to address the problem of abuse within the Church and to allow the Church to return to the evangelical roots of its discourse. His reforms were supported by those in favour, although he encountered some opposition from the Roman aristocracy and some members of the Roman Curia. In his approach to evangelical reform, he granted the new Capuchin movement the right to follow the original rule of Francis of Assisi. In 1524-25, the pontiff also received requests from Charles V for a general council to address the problem of abuses within the Church. Although he was close to the emperor, Paul III hesitated: as pope, he was responsible for the theological management of the Christian world and only he could decide how to handle the problems. Added to this was the fact that some of the Roman Curia and the cardinals were not in favour of holding a council, the primacy of these assemblies over the pope having been denounced since the 1460s and at the fifth Lateran Council. Paul III was aware, however, that several clergymen were in favour of reforms within the Church and having their opinion on the matter could help to find solutions and stop the development of Martin Luther's ideas or avoid the break-up of other reformers such as Ulrich Zwingli. For these reasons, the pope sent nuncios throughout Christendom to find out the position of the various religious representatives on the issue and to act accordingly. He learns of the great expectation for reform in the Christian world and, while many church representatives welcome the pope's reforming will, some consider that it is not enough and that more reform is needed.
Paul III also learns about the progress of the Holy League's military expedition. While he welcomed the recapture of Belgrade and the defeat of the Barbary pirates in North Africa, he was deeply disappointed and disillusioned by the defeat at Hisarlik and the recapture of Belgrade by the Turks. He salutes the capture of Egypt with a Te deum, but is disappointed by Charles V's withdrawal from the Eastern lands and the dissolution of the Balkan expedition. The pope considered urging the Christian rulers to revive the expedition, but Charles V's demands for a general council led him to give priority to this project, not wanting to see dissident movements multiply and flourish in Christendom. This led him to announce in the autumn of 1526 that a council would be held in the summer of 1527.

During the years 1524-1526, the Republic of Genoa was confronted with new troubles when Antoniotto Adorno's opponents plotted against him to remove him from power. The doge was confronted in particular with the reorganisation of the Fregoso, who were supported by the duchy of Milan. Only the contribution to the War of the Holy League gave the Doge a certain security, but the events of 1525-1526 contributed to weakening his position as the city's communes increasingly challenged his power.

The duchy of Milan was in a peculiar position in the mid-1520s. While his position was strengthened and his diplomatic relations developed, Maximilian Sforza was increasingly confronted by his Swiss allies, who reproached him for not respecting the conditions of the Treaty of Bergamo, particularly concerning the amount of the pension allocated to them. The duke watched closely the development of Zwingli's ideas, eager to see if this would cause divisions within the cantons that would allow him to emancipate himself further from Swiss influence. The duke also welcomed and supported the exiled Fregoso family from Genoa, taking advantage of the possible opportunity to restore his duchy's influence over the maritime republic. In 1524, however, the duke was confronted with a plague epidemic that struck his capital and forced him to leave. In the same year, his wife Bona inherited the duchy of Bari with the death of her mother, strengthening the Sforza's position in the Italian peninsula and increasing their wealth. This inheritance contributed to the deterioration of the respect of the Treaty of Bergamo and to a deterioration of the relations with the Swiss cantons.

Charles III of Savoy worked to regain influence over the small republic of Geneva in the years 1524-1526, taking advantage of his alliance with the French regency and seeking to capitalise on the unrest that seemed to be emerging among the Swiss cantons. His interference was very badly accepted by the Genevans and the neighbouring cantons, who took a dim view of the Duke's temptation to expand. This led to a request for excommunication in 1525 by the Genevese, who then sought the support of Pierre de Baume, the bishop of their city since 1521 and the death of Jean de Savoie. If the bishop did not support their request, Paul III threatened Charles III with excommunication if he did not stop interfering in the affairs of the Republic of Geneva. The threat of excommunication and the proximity of the pope to the Swiss cantons led Charles III to back down, but also to consolidate his alliance with the French regency, reinforcing his dependence on the kingdom of France even though the regent guaranteed his rights over the duchy to his half-sister Louise of Savoy.

During the years 1524-1526, the Republic of Venice was involved in the Holy League and played an important role in transporting the armies of Francis III of Brittany and his allies. The Serenissima participated in the blockade and siege of Durres on the Albanian side and took it with its allies in September 1524. Disagreements arose after this success concerning the city and the rest of the campaign, as Venice wanted to recover the city and consolidate its position on the territory. The presence of Francis III made it possible to find a form of compromise: he and his allies joined the Hungarian and Germanic armies, while Venice was able to recover Durres and ensure the defence of the territory. After the departure of the Franco-Papal armies, Venice set about consolidating its presence in Durres, more than two decades after losing it to the Ottomans. During 1525, Venice was confronted with Ottoman raids in its Dalmatian possessions, while in the summer of 1525 it faced a first Ottoman attempt to retake the city. From August to November 1525, Durrës was under siege, but held out with the naval support of the Venetian fleet. The arrival of autumn forced the Turks to lift the siege, even though the Venetians had suffered from this first siege attempt. During the winter of 1525-26 and the spring of 1526, the Venetians undertook to consolidate their defences in the city, but faced further raids on the Dalmatian possessions and some of their island possessions off the Greek coast, forcing them to disperse in order to best protect their possessions. If the fall of Egypt gave the Maritime Republic hope of finding an alternative to the loss of its commercial privileges with the Ottoman Empire, the failure of the Balkan expedition and the dissolution of the Holy League at the end of 1526 made it anxious because it did not know if it could resist for long against the Ottomans, who might once again try to retake Durrës or attack their possessions, or even carry out incursions into their Italian lands as they had in 1503. This caused divisions and tensions within the Venetian senate, which was reluctant to continue the conflict when the rationale for their presence in the Holy League was no longer valid and the financial cost of the war was beginning to weigh on the naval republic.

 

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1527-1531: Charles IX's first steps on the throne
The years 1527-1528 saw the end of the regency of Mary of England. She had Charles IX crowned in Reims at Easter 1527, consolidating her son's position as King of France. The two years of her regency were complicated by the virulence that developed in the rivalry with Francis, the latter being determined to reassert his position as heir apparent to the crown and to occupy a prominent role at court, especially as the end of the dowager queen's regency approached. The latter also had to deal with the tensions that arose between certain neighbouring territories of the kingdom of France, particularly within the Swiss cantons, between the duchy of Savoy and Geneva or in the north of the Italian peninsula. These tensions contributed to questioning the maintenance of his policy of diplomatic status quo, with some accusing him of backing away from the Habsburgs and threatening the integrity of the kingdom. These criticisms were compounded by renewed suspicions and accusations of her loyalty to her native kingdom. The dowager queen had to use all the assets she had developed during her years as regent to face these oppositions. This situation was exacerbated in 1528 when her brother Henry VIII asked for her support in persuading the Pope to accept his request for an annulment of his marriage to Catherine of Aragon. While the Dowager Queen was in favour of supporting her brother, not least because it would weaken the influence of Charles V, she was also under pressure from some members of the court who felt that she was being overly influenced by her ties to her native kingdom. However, Mary was supportive of her brother, although she was more sceptical about his relationship with Anne Boleyn, having had the opportunity to associate with the young woman when Thomas Boleyn was ambassador to the French court. Her support for the annulment of her brother's marriage caused considerable tension with Charles V, as the emperor resented French interference in the matrimonial case against his aunt. During the same period, Mary sent bishops to participate in the council that began in Mantua.
In the summer of 1528, men who supported Luther's ideas vandalised a statue of the Virgin Mary in Paris. The incident scandalised the regent, who decided to step up the repression of those who supported Lutheran positions, supported by the Sorbonne and some French bishops. Without being in favour of stronger repression, François de Valois was also scandalised by the act. Following the incident, the queen dowager and the young king took part in an expiatory procession on Corpus Christi on 11th June 1528.

In the autumn of 1528, Charles IX is officially emancipated when he conducts his first court session before the parliament of Normandy. The young sovereign is cultured and can undertake various physical activities, although he is frail in appearance. He has a calm temperament, but is capable of temper tantrums worthy of his uncle, although his apprenticeship has enabled him to manage them and make them a tool in the way he rules. While the young king is now officially in charge of his kingdom, his youth means that he continues to rely on his mother and the royal council. The young king is surrounded by young nobles who are his companions, notably the young Duke of Bourbon, Louis III. Although he never knew his father, King Louis XII, the young sovereign had the opportunity to hear a laudatory portrait of him during his early years, particularly his title of "Father of the People" and the actions taken to ensure the well-being of his subjects.
The emancipation of the young sovereign reinforced the rivalry between Francis and Mary, with the former seizing the opportunity to establish himself as the leading figure at court after the king. These quarrels of influence were reflected in diplomatic actions, particularly in the English matrimonial dispute: Mary was in favour of maintaining support for her brother, while Francis took a more neutral position, as the crown prince did not want to see the potential marriage between his heir and Henry VIII's daughter broken up because of the risk of uncertainty about the latter's legitimacy as a royal princess. The intense rivalries between Mary and Francis affected the way Charles IX began his reign, with the young king following his mother's advice and showing a sometimes abrupt firmness towards Francis, leading to the emergence of a rivalry between the sovereign and the heir apparent. Although some members of the royal council or court, such as Charles de Bourbon-Montpensier, advised him to show restraint and vigilance with his heir apparent, the young sovereign had a complicated relationship with the latter, determined not to be in his cousin's shadow.
In 1529, on the advice of his mother, Charles IX decided to travel throughout the kingdom to get to know him and his subjects. In the spring of 1529, he visited the lands of Normandy and Brittany. During his journey, the young king was confronted with a crisis resulting from poor harvests which provoked riots, particularly in Lyon. The young king tried to solve the problem, in particular by buying grain reserves to sell them at low prices to his subjects. These incidents led him to delay the progress of his journey while he was in the Loire region. It was not until the end of the summer of 1529 that he resumed his grand tour, reaching the lands of Aquitaine. Spending the winter in Bordeaux, Charles IX set off again in February 1530 and crossed the territory of Toulouse, then Languedoc before reaching the lands of Provence. Heading north, he stopped at Carpentras where he met representatives of the new pope, Pius IV. He then reached the lands of Burgundy and returned to Paris at the end of the summer of 1531. This trip enabled him to meet various prominent figures in the kingdom and to get an idea of what was happening there. This trip strengthened his determination to be a good Christian king by using his late father as a model, but also his ancestor Charles V or Saint Louis.

During the years 1529-1531, a severe agricultural crisis hit the kingdom of France, causing food shortages, particularly in Paris and the Ile-de-France. Charles IX and his council were forced to face up to frugal riots and tried to curb the effects of this crisis. One of the most violent revolts took place in Lyon in April 1529. Although he was involved in the journey across his kingdom, Charles IX tried to find solutions with his advisors and mother to deal with the agricultural difficulties. This crisis cast a shadow over the prosperity of the kingdom, while the important trade with neighbouring kingdoms and the fiscal policy put in place under the aegis of his mother allowed Charles IX to have a solid royal treasury. However, while some parts of the population, particularly the merchants, were able to benefit from the context and policy of the regency, others were unable to benefit or suffered from the difficulties, particularly in the peasantry. And trade was influenced by the dependence on Italian cities or the kingdom of Spain for precious products such as spices, a problem that Charles IX wished to resolve. On this point, while he took up his mother's ideas, he also listened to the more protectionist views of Antoine Duprat. During his grand tour of the kingdom, the young king met representatives of the Genoese banks, who took advantage of the Lyon fair to establish their place of exchange.

During his first years of personal rule, Charles IX was also confronted with religious controversies which were reinforced by the quarrels within the Council of Mantua. The act of vandalism against the statue of the Virgin Mary in June 1528 left a deep impression on him and led him to follow the example of his mother and develop a repressive policy against the ideas of Martin Luther. In doing so, he also asserted the defence of Catholic positions in the face of attacks from Martin Luther and those who favoured the German monk's ideas, while supporting moderate and internal reform positions in line with royal policies on clergy governance. In doing so, he sometimes found himself in conflict with the University of Paris, which condemned certain humanist thinkers as being too heretical. This also led him to disagree with the Valois-Angoulême family, whom he suspected of having some sympathy for Luther's ideas, especially because of the spiritual preferences of Marguerite de Valois.

On the cultural level, Charles IX was inspired by his mother's initiatives and continued them while reappropriating Italian influences, particularly after his grand tour of the kingdom where he had the opportunity to meet representatives of Italian cities, mainly those of Venice due to the alliance that had developed between the Serenissima and his kingdom, but also Genoese representatives due to the presence of bankers at the Lyon fair. This reappropriation of Italian influences also resulted from the visit to the castle of the Dukes of Brittany in Nantes, where the young king discovered a castle that had been brought up to date by François de Valois by mixing elements of Italian inspiration with French and Breton architecture. The young king also dreamed of becoming a patron of the humanists, his education having given him a taste for fine literature and knowledge. He could speak more than five languages, including Latin and Greek. In this respect, he took over the sponsorship of the Royal Reading College, thus contributing to its development as a fully-fledged institution independent of the Paris Faculty of Theology.

In the diplomatic field, Charles IX took up his mother's approach. He developed relations with the kingdom of England. In doing so, he learns about the annulment of his uncle's marriage and finds himself at the heart of the conflicts of influence between his mother and her heir apparent. The young ruler leans towards supporting his uncle, influenced by his mother's arguments. But in doing so, he found himself in a complicated position with Charles V and the papacy, especially when Henry VIII began to think about carrying out his own theological reform. He established relations with the kingdom of Navarre, forging links with Henry II of Navarre. He renewed supportive relations with the Duchy of Savoy and the Republic of Venice. Relations with the papacy improve, although the dispute over the annulment of his uncle's marriage tends to hinder this improvement. The sovereign took an interest in the debates of the Council of Mantua, taking a stand for an episcopal approach to the Church and defending the achievements of the Pragmatic Sanction of Bourges. On the advice of his mother, the young sovereign deepened negotiations between the French crown and the papacy to find a compromise satisfactory to both parties. The negotiations bore fruit at the meeting in Carpentras, which resulted in the Condordat de Carpentras of October 1530. This concordat was a compromise that abrogated the Pragmatic Sanction of Bourges and made official by treaty the practice of presentation to ecclesiastical benefices inaugurated by Philip the Fair. Because of the planned marriage between him and Elisabeth Jagellon, the eldest daughter of Sigismund I of Poland, he developed relations with the kingdom of Poland. But relations with the Habsburgs were more complicated: his support for the annulment of Henry VIII's marriage and his support for expeditions to the New World put the young sovereign at odds with Charles V. In 1529, through his ambassadors, the Habsburg emperor asked him to renounce these expeditions in the name of respecting the Treaty of Tordesillas. Charles IX's reply was: "Would God be Spanish to deprive the rest of Christendom of Adam's heritage? Tensions between the two sovereigns were also heightened by acts of piracy by French sailors against Spanish ships during the period.

When he is not seeking to consolidate his position at court and to become a key figure in the king's circle, Francis is preparing his son Francis IV for his role as Duke of Brittany. But having lost his status as duke jure uxoris since the death of his wife, he had to deal with the Breton lords, especially the regent Pierre II de Rohan-Gié. The latter tried to make François a perfect Breton duke ready to defend his duchy from royal interference. This led to major rivalries between the heir apparent and the Breton lords, as François de Valois wanted his heir to be ready to play a role at court as a member of the royal dynasty. The heir apparent also took on the task of training his other sons for future responsibilities as he sought titles for them from Charles IX.
In parallel to these tensions linked to the divergent interests of his vassals and his father, François IV of Brittany prepared for his ducal responsibilities. The policies put in place by his father were maintained, with Pierre II de Rohan-Gié and the other Breton lords seeing opportunities to elevate the duchy and give it full importance in the kingdom of France. The Court of Brittany and Nantes were confirmed as flourishing and dynamic centres, mainly in the field of culture. But because of the development of the policy of exploration of the New World, the duchy undertook to make its ports, especially Nantes and Saint-Malo, strategic places to participate in this policy. This was expressed by the strengthening of cod fishing activity in the vicinity of Newfoundland, as the island served as a stopover for expeditions to the New World. During the king's grand visit, Francis IV welcomed him to the castle of the Dukes of Brittany and sought to improve his relations with the king in the hope of being able to include him in his circle of trusted persons. The heir apparent, however, suffered another family bereavement with the death of his mother, Louise of Savoy, in September 1531, losing a trusted advisor on political issues.

French exploration of the New World continued to develop during this period. In March 1527, Giovanni Verrazzano left for the kingdom of France to replenish his supplies and to inform the regency of the results of his expedition and the installation of Fort Charlesbourg. He reached the port of Nantes in May 1527. During his meeting with the queen dowager, he presented the success of the colony and the results of his exploration of the isthmus to the Pacific. Although the regent was somewhat disappointed by the lack of results concerning the existence of a passage to the Pacific, she welcomed the news about the development of Fort Charlesbourg with satisfaction, particularly because of the contacts with the natives. The survival of the colony and its development reinforced the desire of the dowager queen and François to take advantage of the exploration of the New World in order to develop the influence of the kingdom until Charles IX was old enough to govern and to counterbalance the influence of Charles V, while the echoes of the Spanish conquests in the New World nourished the interest and ambitions of several members of the court. Francis supported the plans for the New World, seeing it as an opportunity to make his duchy prosper. While he supported Giovanni de Verrazzano, the heir apparent took advantage of his position as regent for his son Francis IV to try to prepare a parallel expedition aimed at consolidating the Breton and French presence in Newfoundland. However, he had to deal with Mary, who did not want the heir apparent to conduct parallel expeditions that could threaten her position in terms of prestige and influence. However, she took up the idea of using Newfoundland as a staging post for Fort Charlesbourg and decided to support its development so that it could develop as a colony and serve as a key position on the Terre d'Orléans and facilitate other expeditions to the New World. These decisions came to fruition when Verrazzano asked him to fund a new expedition so that he could explore further the isthmus he had discovered and see if it could reach the Pacific. The regent's support was all the stronger because the end of the Holy League conflict with the Ottoman Empire freed the kingdom from the fiscal expenses that could have hindered the financing of such ventures.
The French regency gave Verrazzano the opportunity to lead a third expedition to reinforce Fort Charlesbourg, increase the presence in Newfoundland and explore the coasts of the surrounding territories. This expedition left the French coast in May 1528. It reached Newfoundland in July 1528, where it landed about 30 men at St. John's to strengthen the French presence and develop a small fort that could be used by Breton fishermen and navigators exploring the region. After this stopover, Verrazzano went down to Terre d'Orléans and reached Fort Charlesbourg at the end of August 1528. Part of the expedition reinforced the colony while Verrazzano discussed the situation of the fort with the governor. The Italian navigator learned that the colony had been able to withstand the previous winter despite difficulties in obtaining food. The relationship with the Leni Lenape has allowed the colony to maintain itself as trade has gradually developed between the two communities, despite some tensions and incidents. Verrazzano learns from the exploration of the St. John that it may be an important river, which arouses his curiosity and that of his brother. He decides to explore the St. John himself in order to discover its contours. The two brothers explored the river in the autumn of 1528, heading north. In October 1528 he came across another tribe with whom he made contact. The arrival of winter led him to go back down to Fort Charlesbourg. The winter of 1528-1529 went fairly well despite the harsh climate.
In 1529, Fort Charlesbourg strengthened its position by taking advantage of the links forged with the Leni Lenape, particularly in the beginning of the development of tobacco cultivation or in the recovery of white pine which could be used for the infusion of annedda to fight scurvy. Giovanni Verrazzano set sail again and explored northwards to find another passage to the Pacific. Passing through Newfoundland again in May 1529, he sailed further north and explored the coast of Lavrador (1). He explored the Gulf of St. Lawrence before heading south to Terre d'Orléans in the autumn of 1529.
1530 saw the colony consolidate further as its occupants began to really take advantage of their surroundings and continued to experiment with the development of the production of certain resources and commodities of the Terre d'Orléans. Some of the settlers developed relationships with Native people, encouraged by the Governor to strengthen ties with the Leni Lenapes and to contribute to the development of Fort Charlesbourg. The inhabitants also took advantage of their situation to continue exploring the surrounding area, sometimes relying on the knowledge of the Leni Lenape to better familiarise themselves with the territory. Verrazzano and his brother realised that Terre d'Orléans was bordered by a bay with several islands. The Italian navigator sailed southwards along the coast of Florida in the summer of 1530. After sailing along the peninsula, Verrazzano returned north in the autumn of 1530.
In March 1531, Verrazzano set sail again for France and reached it in May 1531. He had to wait until September 1531 to be able to meet Charles IX both to pay homage to the young sovereign and to inform him of the results of his third expedition. The young sovereign expressed a deep curiosity about the story of the Italian navigator, having met him in the past and having heard about his previous expeditions. The support of the queen dowager and her heir apparent also contributed to the young king's interest in the New World. Verrazzano's account of the development of Fort Charlesbourg contributed to his interest in supporting his mother's efforts. The various expenses resulting from previous expeditions, however, forced the royal court to focus on priorities, notably the survival of Fort Charlesbourg and the development of the French presence in Newfoundland.
But in the New World, 1531 saw the Leni Lenape fall victim to a smallpox epidemic that devastated their communities. This brutal epidemic destabilised relations between Fort Charlesbourg and the natives and raised questions and concerns among the colonists, who did not understand how the natives were so affected by a disease that was familiar to them. Some of the missionaries present in the colony spoke of divine punishment and helped convert the survivors. The epidemic forced the governor of Fort Charlesbourg to rethink the management of the small colony so that it could survive until the next expedition arrived.

In the winter of 1530, Charles IX met the brothers Jean and Raoul Parmentier in Lyon. These sailors from Dieppe had returned from an expedition to Sumatra organised by the Dieppe shipowner Jean Ango, whose commercial policy had been supported by the regency because it corresponded to the ambitions of the queen dowager (2). The two sailors presented an account of their expedition which aroused the curiosity of the young king. Although the exploration of the New World remained an important issue for the young king, access to the spices of the East without intermediaries was just as crucial. This reinforced Charles IX's determination to strengthen the French fleet to be able to lead expeditions and play a role in trade. In the same vein, the young king continued his mother's policy by formalising his support for Jean Ango in the spring of 1531, granting him a privilege to support the development of explorations towards the New World and Asia and appointing him governor of Dieppe, which was the most important port in the kingdom.

(1) The former name of the territory of Labrador, given by the Portuguese.
(2) Jean Ango financed numerous expeditions across the Atlantic to discover the New World and its riches, but also to seek passages to Asia. He was one of the contributors to the financing of Giovanni Verrazzano's expeditions, enabling the royal court to optimise its expenses. His expeditions earned him the trust of the Regency because they contributed to the development of the kingdom's trade beyond its borders and gave him the opportunity to free itself from the constraints of trade with Spanish, Flemish and Italian lands. The shipowner also financed piracy actions against Portuguese and Spanish ships, as the papal bull Inter Coetera of 1497 forbade any non-Spanish or non-Portuguese ship to sail more than 100 leagues from the Azores.

 

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1527-1531: Rampage in the British Isles
The years 1527-1531 were marked by major changes in the British Isles.

The end of the 1520s was marked by a major event for the kingdom of England: Henry VIII's request for a marriage annulment. In early 1527, the English monarch decided to apply to Pope Paul III on the grounds that his marriage was illegal before God, having married Catherine of Aragon when she had been the wife of his elder brother Arthur. He instructed his chancellor, Thomas Wolsey, to go to Rome to make this request to the Pope. The request was received by the sovereign pontiff, who however gave no immediate answer, preferring to think about it. The Pope's lack of an immediate response tends to frustrate and impatient Henry VIII. The Pope's procrastination was compounded by Catherine of Aragon's refusal to consent to the marriage annulment, claiming that she had never known any other man but the King and did not want to see her daughter Mary rejected from the succession.
Two crises hit the kingdom of England in 1527 and 1528. The first was an agricultural crisis which led Thomas Wolsey to buy grain to sell at low prices, limiting the risk of strong discontent and riots within the kingdom. The second crisis was the outbreak of an epidemic of English sweating sickness in May 1528 in London. The epidemic was violent and intense, forcing the English court to leave London. The epidemic spread throughout the kingdom and even beyond its borders, mainly affecting territories where English people were present, especially merchants. Flanders, Hamburg and even Brittany were affected by the epidemic, although the intensity of the disease was less intense than in the island kingdom. During the epidemic, some members of the court, such as William Carey, died, while others, such as the Chancellor and Anne Boleyn, fell ill but escaped.
After the troubled period caused by the epidemic, the kingdom quietly resumed its course. Only the dispute over the annulment of Henry VIII's marriage remained and was reinforced by political implications: Henry VIII used his sister and Charles IX to influence Paul III in his favour, while Charles V worked on his relationship with the Pope to get him to refuse to accept the English sovereign's request. The involvement of various sovereigns in the matrimonial dispute helped to fuel the rivalry between them. These interferences were also found among the ambassadors of Henry VIII's court: Louis de Praët, Charles V's ambassador, told the queen of his support for her marriage, while the French ambassador worked with Wolsey to influence the papacy through diplomatic exchanges between the French court and the Holy See. These underlying conflicts aggravated Henry VIII's impatience with the Pope's procrastination and Charles V's interference. The wait for a positive response from the papacy led to a deterioration in the king's confidence in his chancellor.
In the autumn of 1528, Paul III sent his legate, Cardinal Campeggio, to England in order to find a solution to this problem, which disrupted the Council of Mantua. Henry VIII wanted to use this visit to persuade the legate and his master of the legitimacy of his request. He did not hesitate to point out that he had been appointed 'Defender of the Faith' by the predecessor of Paul III and that he could help resolve the problems caused by Martin Luther and support the Pope through the Council. The English sovereign proposes that an ecclesiastical tribunal be held to decide on the validity of his marriage. Cardinal Campeggio went back to Rome to inform the Pope of the sovereign's idea. Paul III was in favour of such a court, but was adamant that such a court should not be held in England, leading to discussions about whether or not the court should be held in Rome.
The situation changed in March 1529 when Paul III died. The Pope's death turned the situation upside down. Although Henry VIII was most irritated because the death of the pontiff forced a further postponement of a favourable response from the Holy See to his request, he also saw an opportunity to have a pope who was favourable to him. He relied on his nephew Charles IX to influence the conclave in his favour and sought to have Wolsey promoted, giving Wolsey one last chance to succeed. If his manoeuvre failed, the English sovereign was full of expectation with the election of Pius IV in April 1529. He sent ambassadors to congratulate the pope on his election and to ask him to annul the marriage. He learned of the Pope's final decision in the autumn of 1529 and welcomed it with relief and joy, courteously and with great eagerness the two papal representatives and Cardinal Campeggio who had been appointed to the tribunal to decide on the validity of the marriage.
The tribunal began in early December 1529 and saw the two papal representatives question the various arguments surrounding the marriage annulment, as well as Henry VIII and his wife. Although the English sovereign was sure he had passed the most difficult stage, he was soon dismayed by the increasingly strong and persistent determination of Catherine of Aragon. The latter, determined to defend her marriage and her daughter's rights, refused to acknowledge most of the arguments in favour of the annulment of her marriage, claiming that her marriage had indeed been made before God without any form of sin and that she had never had the opportunity to consummate her first marriage to Arthur. The trial for the annulment of the marriage becomes tense and oppressive as each side holds its ground, causing Henry VIII to become impatient and angry. The trial was deadlocked for several weeks and it was only a letter, supposedly from Arthur Tudor, that brought about change. The missive dated December 1502 is addressed to Henry VII and sees Arthur announcing to his father that his marriage to Catherine of Aragon has been consummated. The Queen and her allies rejected the letter, denouncing it as deceitful and accusing the Chancellor of having fabricated it. But their denunciation was not upheld and the two papal representatives gradually leaned towards an annulment of the marriage. Catherine of Aragon continued to defend herself in spite of everything, but above all sought to preserve her daughter's rights in the succession. Henry VIII is intransigent, more eager than ever to annul his marriage so that he can remarry Anne Boleyn. However, he sought to persuade his wife to recognise the invalidity of their marriage in exchange for the preservation of their daughter's inheritance rights. Catherine of Aragon is very reluctant to accept this request as she feels she is accepting a lie and is perjuring herself before heaven. However, realising that the ecclesiastical tribunal charged with verifying the validity of her marriage might end up in her husband's favour, and considering her daughter's status and rights more important than the validity of her marriage, she finally acknowledged the invalidity of her marriage to Henry VIII. In doing so, the ecclesiastical tribunal sent by Pius IV concluded by annulling the marriage between Henry VIII and Catherine Aragon in August 1530. The former queen was granted an estate but could no longer have contact with her daughter. Charles V was furious on hearing the news, while Francis of Angouleme felt some relief, having feared the loss of status of his potential daughter-in-law. Amongst those promoting the Reformation, opinions were more divided, with most criticising the final decision of the court for papal interference and bias, and many questioning the appropriateness of maintaining the royal status of Princess Mary if her parents' marriage was not valid. As for Henry VIII's subjects, they were divided on the issue, between accepting the papal decision and not understanding what they perceived as the forfeiture of their queen to a schemer.
Ignoring these quarrels and reactions, Henry VIII prepared his marriage to Anne of Boleyn, wanting to make it happen as soon as possible while ensuring that his new queen was accepted by her subjects. The Archbishop of Canterbury, William Warham, accompanied him in the preparation of the wedding, being in charge of the religious service. In September 1530, the marriage between Henry VIII and Anne Boleyn was celebrated and Anne became Queen Consort shortly afterwards and was presented to the London populace in October 1530. The King made her Countess of Pembroke at the same time.
In June 1531, Anne Boleyn gave birth to a baby boy. Henry VIII was overjoyed at the news, thinking he had finally solved his succession problem. His young son is named Henry. The birth of the crown prince also strengthened the couple and gave Anne Boleyn more influence in the affairs of the kingdom, as the new queen wanted to make her mark on the kingdom. In the autumn of 1531, the new royal couple travelled to the French royal court and met Charles IX. The young French sovereign welcomed them with great pleasure, although the dowager queen remained uncertain about her brother's new wife, having known her when she was in his retinue in the early years of her regency. Francis of Angouleme was cordial, though uncertain because of the complicated situation of Mary, Henry VIII's daughter and the bride of his son Francis IV of Brittany. Henry VIII's visit to France, however, led to a strengthening of ties between the two kingdoms, with Anne Boleyn showing courtesy and diplomacy while expressing her pro-French position, drawing on her long experience at the French court.
The change of pope and the conclusion of Henry VIII's marriage annulment case allowed Thomas Wolsey to retain his position as chancellor. But the cardinal was seriously weakened by the controversy and the king no longer readily trusted him. The Chancellor had to deal with the new Queen Consort and her family, which led to tensions and rivalries with them. One element of rivalry was the relationship with the radical positions held by men who favoured Lutheran ideas: Wolsey gradually suspected the new queen of being in favour of them and of trying to influence the king in this area. The birth of Crown Prince Henry reinforced this fear, as Henry VIII allowed his wife to play a modest role in certain affairs of the realm as long as it did not conflict with his own. The Cardinal Chancellor relied increasingly on his secretary, Thomas Cromwell, who had been invaluable in resolving the obstacles of the trial on the validity of their king's marriage. Thomas Cromwell's skills enabled him to gain a growing place among the king's advisers. By 1531, however, the cardinal was weak and tired and his opponents were plotting to bring him down.
Parallel to these events, John Rut's expedition to the New World was organised in 1527. The English navigator left the Thames at the end of March 1527 with the Mary Guilford and the Samson before leaving the English coast in April 1527. At the beginning of June 1527, the expedition encountered icebergs, causing Rut to hesitate to continue north-eastwards, especially as his crew began to suffer from the cold in the region. He finally decided to move further west and reached the Knight Islands at the end of June 1527. Despite the harsh weather conditions, the navigator continued westwards, crossing a strait that turned out to be the one explored a decade earlier by Sebastian Cabot (1). In July 1527, his expedition progressed through the bay that had also been explored by the Italian-English navigator, seeking to find a passage that would allow him to reach Asia. Moving up the coast of Wales (2), he reached a passage that he called the Strait of St John and stopped in August 1527 in Henry's Land (3). Setting sail again shortly afterwards, he was confronted with the difficult climatic conditions of the region while his crew suffered from scurvy. Some of his men asked him to turn back. The English navigator hesitated, thinking he had found the path his sovereign was looking for, but finally agreed to his men's request, considering that his findings would allow for future expeditions. However, as autumn set in, the weather caught up with him again. The cold climate of the region made the return journey more difficult and dangerous and forced him to stop on the west coast of Wales in October 1527. Forced to winter, John Rut's crew suffered the full force of the northern winters. Coupled with scurvy, much of the expedition was decimated during the winter of 1527-1528, while John Rut himself was marked by the harshness of the winter. When it set sail again in March 1528, more than half the crew had died and the ships had suffered the ravages of the cold. Following the coast of Lavrador, the small expedition reached Newfoundland in early May 1528. John Rut noted the strong presence of Breton fishermen. The expedition stopped over there for a few days while disagreements arose among the crew: while some felt it was necessary to return to England as quickly as possible, others stressed the fact that the expedition's resources had been exhausted and that it would be very complicated to return home without suffering further hunger and scurvy. The desire to return to England as soon as possible won out, however, and John Rut's crew left Newfoundland in mid-June 1528. Despite the difficult weather conditions, Rut and the rest of his crew reached England in August 1528. However, the survivors were confronted with the sweat epidemic that struck the kingdom, decimating some of the survivors, while Rut and the others were confined to Plymouth, where the Mary Guilford and the Samson had docked. John Rut was very weakened and fell ill during the autumn of 1528 before passing away at the end of October. About thirty sailors survived from his expedition. John Rut's first mate reported on the expedition to Henry VIII in November 1528. Although the expedition had deepened English knowledge of the territories explored by John and Sebastian Cabot, the lack of confirmation of a Northwest Passage and the cost of the expedition led Henry VIII to judge its result as mediocre, even though he had high expectations of the expedition as a means of trading with Asia. The controversy surrounding the annulment of his marriage to Catherine of Aragon and his fickle character led the king to abandon the idea of organising new expeditions to the New World.

During the years 1527-1528, the kingdom of Scotland is going through an uncertain period due to the tensions between Archibald Douglas and his former wife, Margaret Tudor. The Scottish baron kept James V close to him and prevented his opponents from being able to act without risking the young sovereign's life. Margaret rallies several lords hostile to her former husband to counterbalance his dominant position and begins to plot against him to neutralise him. The situation had become tense to the point of a simmering conflict following the Battle of Linlithgow Bridge in September 1526 when James Hamilton, supporting Archibald Douglas, defeated Earl Lennox who sought to seize Edinburgh and free James V from his stepfather's grip. The situation changed in the spring of 1528 when James V managed to outmanoeuvre the Scottish lord, allowing him to establish himself as the sole ruler in his kingdom.
James V's escape forced the Douglas to flee Scotland, weakening the English faction that supported the clan and allowing Margaret to become its new head. The dowager queen became an important figure in her son's court, using her influence to ensure that he maintained good relations with Henry VIII and Charles IX, and relying on the Scottish lords of the original French and English factions to once again become a prominent player at court. The young monarch renewed relations with the kingdoms of England and France in 1528-29, but remained aloof from the dispute over his uncle Henry VIII's marriage. He renewed the promise of marriage with Renée of France obtained at the Treaty of Rouen, and he and his advisers discussed the possibility of marriage with his cousins Christine or Dorothea, daughters of Christian II of Denmark, especially as the latter was trying to recover his throne. These discussions are encouraged by representatives of Margaret of Austria and Charles V who seek to detach the Kingdom of Scotland from its alliance with the kingdoms of England and France. While she was careful to safeguard the interests of her son and her kingdom, Margaret also tried to thwart these efforts to avoid Scotland coming into conflict with her brother.
During these same years, the young king suppressed the rebellious provinces of the Highlands, Orkney, Shetland and the Hebrides, putting an end to the various divisions that had marked Scotland since his father's death in 1513. This consolidation also involved improving the management of his estates and relying on diplomats and lawyers to carry out his reign. He also relied on the Duke of Albany, who returned to Scotland in 1530, although he continued to make trips to France to manage the estates that the French crown had offered him. James V also opposed the emergence of the Reformation in his kingdom, having the preacher Patrick Hamilton executed in 1528.

(1) In 1516, Sebastian Cabot led an expedition on behalf of Henry VIII to discover a northwest passage and discovered a strait and bay that corresponded to Hudson Bay and Strait OTL.
(2) The northern tip of Quebec OTL near Hudson Bay.
(3) OTL Southampton Island north of Hudson Bay.

 

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1527-1531: Challenges for the Papacy
The years 1527-1531 saw the Papacy face significant challenges as it sought to resolve the problems resulting from the spread of Martin Luther's ideas.

In early 1527, confirming his commitment to resolving the challenges affecting the Church and responding to the request of Charles V, Paul III called a council in Mantua to address the problems affecting the Church. The council opened in June 1527 with representatives from Italy and the Holy Roman Empire before being joined by French and Iberian bishops in the autumn. Some clergymen close to the ideas of Martin Luther or Zwingli came to Mantua to defend their ideas, wanting to take advantage of this council to assert their positions. Martin Luther was not interested in attending the council, but allowed his allies such as Melanchthon to participate. The debates initially focus on the abuses of the church, but quickly evolve into a discussion of the theological canon and what is to be retained, changed or abolished. Strong tensions and rivalries begin to emerge between the different parties as some of the moderate representatives of the Catholic reformers and those close to Zwingli or Luther try to find a compromise. The outbreak of a plague epidemic in the summer led Paul III to suspend the council in August 1527, although this caused tensions among the participants, with some of the Lutheran or Zwinglian representatives suspecting or accusing the pope of not wanting to deal with the abuses and weaknesses of the church.

In the same year, in a diplomatic setting, the Pope put an end to the problem caused by the Duchy of Urbino since Leo X had taken it from Francis Maria della Rovere on behalf of his nephew Lorenzo de Medici in 1516. He officially returned the duchy to the condottiere, putting an end to several years of turmoil and uncertainty about the status of the duchy. The latter undertook to consolidate his position once again and broke off the contacts he had had with the republican faction in Florence and Cardinal Soderini when the latter was still alive (1).

But as the council that was to determine the future of the Church in the face of its problems was being set up, Paul III was faced with a particular problem: in the spring of 1527, he received representatives of Henry VIII who delivered a message from the English sovereign. The latter asked the pontiff to annul his marriage to Catherine of Aragon, arguing that their marriage was illegitimate before God because she had been married to Henry VIII's elder brother Arthur. The Pope found himself in a complicated position: while he considered the English king's request relevant, as he was not in favour of trading papal dispensations, he did not want to find himself at odds with Charles V, as the latter was the nephew of Catherine of Aragon. Henry VIII's arguments and the fact that the papal dispensation had been issued by Julius II, who had made him a cardinal, also contributed to the Pope's reluctance to give an immediate answer to the English sovereign, as Paul III preferred to procrastinate on the issue, hoping that Henry VIII would tire of waiting. But the English sovereign insisted, relying in particular on his sister Mary and then Charles IX when the latter was old enough to reign, placing the pope in an uncomfortable position while Charles V pushed him to refuse the request. To gain time, the Pope sent the English legate, Cardinal Campeggio, at the end of September 1528 to investigate the sovereign's request and determine the degree of legitimacy of the request. The cardinal returned from England in February 1529 with Henry VIII's urgent message to the pope to accept his request in exchange for his support for his positions on the Council of Mantua, reminding him that he had been appointed "Defender of the Faith" in 1521. But Paul III did not have time to respond to this message: exhausted and ill, he died in early March 1529.

The death of Paul III once again led to the interruption of the Council of Mantua. The latter had resumed in December 1527 and, in seven sessions, had addressed the question of abuses and the theological canon, but above all the power of the pope and the question of certain of his prerogatives: the controversy surrounding the annulment of Henry VIII's marriage found itself at the heart of the council during 1528 when the Germanic bishops close to the emperor or Martin Luther denounced the English sovereign. This denunciation evolved into the question of papal power and the legitimacy of the pope to annul marriages or grant dispensations, an issue used by the French bishops to highlight the hypocrisy of the Habsburgs who made many marriages that would be perceived as consanguineous, notably with members of the House of Aziz of Portugal (2). The other major controversy concerned the elements of the Church's canon that could be retained or changed: while several Italian bishops defended Paul III's position, the bishops close to Martin Luther asked for a review of the canon, particularly on the question of the Eucharist or the celibacy of priests. This first phase of the council was marked by great tension, particularly between representatives close to Luther and Zwingli and their more moderate or conservative co-religionists. The quarrels between the supporters of the German monk and those of the Swiss preacher also emerged, notably over the nature of the Eucharist. Some progress was made, notably on the need for better training of the clergy, but the council was deadlocked by the beginning of 1529 due to the controversies and divisions that ran through it.

The conclave that followed the death of Paul III began at the end of March 1529. It saw a deep division of the cardinals into two major factions: the imperial clan and the Franco-English clan derisively called the "Tudor party" by its opponents. For several weeks, no cardinal emerged as the winner, each camped firmly on its position and refused to support the other. Among the favourites were Alexander Farnese and Giulio de Medici, supported by Charles IX and Charles V respectively. Henry VIII's support for his chancellor-cardinal Thomas Wolsey helped to weaken the Anglo-French camp, but this did not allow the imperial party to triumph. The conclave was also marked by the death of Cardinal Passerini at the end of April 1529. The choice was finally made for Cardinal Giovanni Piccolomini, who was judged to be more neutral than the main favourites or certain other cardinals such as Antonio Del Monte or Lorenzo Campeggio who had been involved in one way or another in the "Great Affair". The new pope was elected at the end of May and chose Pius as his reigning name, following the example of his related predecessors (3), thus becoming Pius IV.

The new pope was visited by representatives of Henry VIII in August 1529 regarding the sovereign's request for an annulment of his marriage. He also received a message from Cardinal Wolsey, begging him to support his sovereign's cause for fear that he would take extreme measures to obtain what he sought. Pius IV also received a message from representatives of Charles V asking him to continue the approach of his predecessor and even to refuse the request outright. The pontiff pondered the decision, weighing up the various arguments for and against annulment. This was not the only crucial decision the new pontiff had to make: the Council of Mantua had been suspended but a strong request from some of its participants and from Charles V. Wishing to free himself from the influence of the emperor so that he could act as his own master, Pius IV decided to revive the Council of Mantua while granting Henry VIII his request for an annulment of the marriage. The new pontiff considered that the resolution of problems within the Church was more important than the quarrel over a matrimonial matter. He announced the resumption of the Council in September 1529 for the coming year and had his consent to the initiation of proceedings for the annulment of Henry VIII's marriage confirmed in early October. While the English sovereign welcomed his decision with relief and joy, Charles V was mixed, happy to see the council resume but furious that the pope had consented to the annulment of his aunt's marriage to Henry VIII. Pius IV sent two representatives to investigate the annulment in November 1529, accompanied by the English legate, Cardinal Campeggio.

During the years 1530-1531, Pius IV implemented his policy. While he continued the reformist policy of his predecessor, notably by reviving the Council of Mantua, the new pope also departed from it in various ways. He showed strong support for artists and intellectuals, allowing Rome to experience a new impetus in cultural development. It was in the field of diplomacy that the pope stood out the most: wishing to be more of an arbiter within Christendom, he distanced himself from Charles V. His decision in the autumn of 1529 concerning the annulment of Henry VIII's marriage brought him closer to the kingdoms of France and England, which led to some tension with the Holy Roman Emperor. Pius IV thus sought to resolve the dispute over the Pragmatic Sanction of Bourges, his approach being facilitated by Charles IX's determination to condemn Luther's ideas and to support the Church in its values and its desire for moderate internal reform. The negotiations led to the signing of the Concordat of Carpentras in the autumn of 1530. In 1531, he also granted James V of Scotland the possibility of levying taxes on the monasteries in his kingdom.
However, the Pope ensured the reopening of the Council of Mantua in order to appease the Emperor and to continue to seek to resolve the problems affecting the Church. In so doing, Pius IV sought to reappropriate the project that his uncle, Pope Pius III, had had when he had been chosen by the cardinals in the autumn of 1503: to hold a council to resolve the internal problems of the Church. The pontiff saw the Council of Mantua as the council his uncle had dreamed of and as a continuation of what his predecessor had started.

The third session of the Council of Mantua opened in February 1530. After the tumultuous first session, the various participants decided to reorganise the debates by determining the elements on which it was no longer necessary to return. Most of the decisions and reflections of the 1527-1529 sessions were retained, but the issues of certain aspects of the canon and papal power remained controversial among the participants, especially between those who supported a traditional but reformed approach to the canon and those who were close to Zwingli and even more so to Martin Luther. The representatives of the two main branches claiming to be Reformed are now united in the debates, despite some disagreements. This helps to reinforce the opposition between those who present themselves as Reformed and the other religious representatives, as the conditions set by the former contradict those of the more moderate or traditionalist representatives who want to preserve various aspects of the theological canon, notably on the Eucharist and Transubstantiation. On the question of the powers of the pope, three factions oppose each other: the "Roman" conception, the "Episcopalian" conception and the "Reformed" conception reject any hierarchical authority. The last two factions, however, saw some of their representatives agree on the question and make proposals concerning the governance of the Church, notably reviving the thesis of conciliarism to the great displeasure of the defenders of the "Roman" conception.
Although progress was made during the sessions of 1530-1531, the strong divisions between the 'reformed' positions and the other ecclesiastical representatives led to numerous deadlocks and brought moderate and conservative reformers closer together. Opposition within the council contributed to tensions between the papacy and Charles V, as the growing opposition to Lutheran positions ran counter to the emperor's desire for reconciliation between the different parties. The conflict in the Swiss cantons and the creation of the League of Marburg increased tensions between the two parties, with Catholic representatives accusing their counterparts of seeking to impose their ideas without any respect for tradition. These tensions led to the decision of most of the council to condemn the so-called reformed ideas of Luther and Zwingli in the autumn of 1531, causing representatives close to the two reformed preachers to leave.

(1) Cardinal Soderini died of illness in the spring of 1524.
(2) The "Catholic Sovereigns", Ferdinand of Aragon and Isabella of Castile, had arranged for their daughter Isabella to marry King Manuel I of Portugal and their heir, John of Aragon, was to marry Margaret of Austria, the future aunt of Charles V, before he died in 1498. In the same year Isabella died, leading Ferdinand of Aragon and Isabella of Castile to have another of their daughters, Mary, married to Manuel I to maintain the alliance with Portugal. In 1518, Charles V had his elder sister Eleanor married to Manuel I of Portugal, who had been widowed by their aunt in 1517. Finally, in 1525, John III, the son of Manuel I and Charles V's cousin, married another of the latter's sisters, Catherine.
(3) Giovanni Piccolomini's uncle and great-uncle were popes, the former from 1458 to 1464, the latter during September 1503. They chose Pius as their pope's name, probably as diminutives of their birth names.

 

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1527-1531: Trouble in Italy and Switzerland
The years 1527-1531 saw various disturbances in the Italian territories and Switzerland, rekindling tensions that threatened the fragile balance established since the Treaty of London in 1517.

In 1527-1528, the Swiss cantons were increasingly divided over their relationship with Zwingli's ideas. While some were tempted to follow Zurich's example and eventually did so, such as Bern in January 1528, others were not in favour, notably because of the preacher's opposition to the policy of mercenarism or Zwingli's desire to reorganise the bailiwicks. Zwingli's position as preacher was strengthened during this period. This opposition and reluctance was reinforced by the privileged links between the papacy and the Confederation under Paul III. The latter was led to excommunicate Zwingli in the autumn of 1528, seeing that his former friend continued to persist on the same path of unilateral reforms that did not take into account the decisions of the Holy See. This excommunication led Zwingli to push ahead with his reforms, finding himself now in complete rupture with Rome. The existing links between the papacy and the Swiss cantons had an impact on the development of the reform, with some cantons unsure of how to proceed.
The announcement and opening of the Council of Mantua was an opportunity for several Swiss religious representatives, such as the Bishop of Constance, to attend in order to resolve the growing dispute with Zwingli, while Zwingli seized the importance of the Council to defend his ideas and contribute to the renewal of the Church. He sent representatives to the council with a confession of faith presenting and defending his ideas, while he was busy working on the reorganisation of the cantons that rallied to his ideas. He was also persuaded by the Landgrave of Hesse to meet with Martin Luther in order to unite the different tendencies of the Reformation to present a united front against the Catholics and to defend their positions in the council. This was made all the more necessary by the fact that the first sessions were tumultuous and that Zwingli's allies were confronted with the hostility of the Catholic representatives, but also of certain representatives close to Martin Luther. The latter was all the more hostile to the Swiss preacher because he accused him of maintaining links with the papacy.
The death of Paul III led to the suspension of the Council of Mantua, allowing the Landgrave of Hesse to organise a meeting between Martin Luther and Ulrich Zwingli to resolve their differences and to unite the various Reformed branches in defending their positions against the defenders of the Catholic Church. The meeting took place in Marburg in the autumn of 1529. Despite attempts at conciliation, Martin Luther remained adamant in his positions. In the end, the participants jointly signed fourteen articles that contained the exposition of controversial dogmas, while Zwingli and Luther pledged to respect and not to challenge each other.
The death of the pope caused an upheaval in the balance of power within the Swiss cantons: it formalised the definitive break in Zwingli's relationship with the papacy. In addition to this, the remaining Catholic cantons could have had the support of the pope because of his links with the confederation and restrict the spread of Zwingli's ideas by causing some cantons to be more moderate or vigilant in their decisions. The demise of Paul III removed the fears and misgivings of some of the authorities and accelerated the development of the Zwinglian reform within the confederation. The pre-existing tensions were reinforced as the cantons on both sides formed alliances in order to defend their positions. The Swiss Catholic cantons sought external support, particularly from the new Pope and especially from the Habsburgs.
The revival of the Council of Mantua increased tensions to such an extent that in the summer of 1530 hostilities were opened between Zurich and its allies and the Catholic cantons. An attempt at conciliation was made between the two sides at the Swiss Federal Diet, but the strong resentment between the two sides failed, leading to the outbreak of conflict in the autumn of 1530. Zurich struck first by occupying Thurgau, but the Christian Union, which included several of the Catholic cantons, sought to neutralise Zurich as quickly as possible to avoid the reformed cantons regrouping, which would put the Catholic cantons at a disadvantage. A confrontation took place near Kappel in November 1530. The Zurich forces were able to withstand the shock, but the Christian Union forces, outnumbered and outgunned (1), forced the Zurichers to retreat. Zwingli narrowly escaped death, but was wounded, while his son Gerold was killed. The retreat of their opponents allowed the Christian Union to retake Aargau and advance towards Zurich. But the arrival of the Bernese and other Zurich allies a few weeks later forced the Christian Union to retreat to avoid being outnumbered, leading to the loss of the Aargau in December 1530. But on St. Nicholas Day 1530, Zurich and Bernese forces were ambushed by Swiss mercenaries near Baar north of Zug. The ambush halted the progress of Zurich's allies and broke their resolve to continue the hostilities. This loss of resolve was also the result of rising tensions with the Duchy of Savoy as the latter again interfered in Geneva's affairs.
The peace treaty that was signed between the two sides in January 1531. The Christian Union obtained a halt to the reform of the territorial bailliage of the cantons and the maintenance of Catholic worship in their cantons while recognising the application of reformed worship in those cantons that chose it. Aargau and Thurgau are maintained in the Catholic faith. The end of the conflict saw the expansion of the Zwinglian reformation come to a halt in many cantons. The losses of the Kappel War led to great discontent in the canton of Zurich, with the population denouncing the excessive power of the council and the clergy, with Ulrich Zwingli being particularly blamed for the warmongering that led to the conflict. The preacher asked the council for his retirement, which the council granted, obliged to make concessions to avoid popular anger. Zwingli left his position as pastor in April 1531 and was replaced by Heinrich Bullinger, a preacher from the canton of Aargau who was sympathetic to his ideas. The former preacher preferred to lead his family life with Anna Reinhart and their four children while applying the precepts he had defended during his preaching life. However, the man continued to play an important role in his canton and his opponents, Catholics, Anabaptists and radical Reformed, plotted to get rid of him. A precarious balance was established between the cantons of the two denominations as the Christian Union consolidated its relations with the Habsburgs.
The turmoil in the Swiss Confederation greatly affected the relationship of the Swiss cantons with the Three League Alliance. As a result of the Articles of Ilanz (2), the Alliance found itself in a complicated relationship with the Catholic cantons, particularly because of their republican structure which allowed their individual cantons to decide whether or not to adopt the Reformed faith.
In the Valais, the Prince-Bishop of Sion, Philippe de Platea, was confronted with the emergence of Zwinglian and Lutheran ideas and tried to combat them, encouraged by Paul III who had been the bishop before his election as Pope. In this context, the prince-bishop drew closer to the Catholic cantons, placing Valais in tension with Bern during the short Kappel War.

During the late 1520s, Charles III of Savoy strengthened his ties with the kingdom of France both to secure his territory and to be able to put pressure on the Swiss cantons over the case of Geneva when they were divided over the issue of Zwingli's reforms. The end of the French regency in 1528 brought some change to the relationship between the two states, although Charles IX continued to take his mother's diplomatic approach, seeking to develop an alliance with the duke. From 1529 onwards, taking advantage of the rising tensions among the Swiss cantons, Charles III of Savoy sought to strengthen his influence and hold on Geneva, leading to a further rise in tensions between him and the Genevese. In 1530, seizing the pretext of the war of Kappel between the allies of Zurich and the Christian Union, Charles III forced the Genevese to break the links they had with Bern and Fribourg. He also took the opportunity to denounce the development of Luther's ideas and had the support of Pierre de Baume, the bishop of Geneva. This breakdown in relations resulted in the rise of tensions between the two Swiss cantons with the duchy of Savoy, even if the religious differences between the two cantons prevented them from agreeing to confront the duchy of Savoy.

During the years 1527-1531, the duchy of Milan emancipated itself from its alliance with the Swiss cantons as it faced the emergence of figures sympathetic to Luther's ideas. Maximilian Sforza was very firm with the Reformed preachers and took advantage of the growing divisions between the Swiss cantons to gradually renege on the terms of the Treaty of Bergamo. Urged on by those closest to him, the duke was also determined to renew the position of the duchy, particularly with regard to Genoa and the territories that had had to be ceded to the Swiss cantons and the Three Leagues Alliance. The conflict between the Reformed and Catholic cantons allowed him to further emancipate himself from the alliance with the Swiss cantons, even though he negotiated with the cantons of the Christian Union in order to reach an arrangement with the latter while they consolidated their alliance with Ferdinand of Habsburg. The events that affected Genoa led the duke to give more support to the Fregosos so that they could regain power, but above all so that he could reassert the influence of his duchy over the maritime republic. In 1531, he succeeded in establishing this influence and began to interfere more and more in Genoese affairs. On the diplomatic front, the duke also began to make matrimonial alliances that would strengthen his family's position as dukes of Milan and preserve the duchy from external ambitions.

The Republic of Genoa experienced major troubles in 1527-1528. Antoniotto II Adorno was confronted with a violent rebellion by the Genoese communes, resulting from their challenge to his status as doge and fomented by his opponents. The doge was forced to resign and go into exile. During the following year, various doges succeeded one another without managing to last before Sinibaldo Fieschi imposed himself in the spring of 1529. The new doge sought to reorganise the republic weakened by the two years of unrest, relying in particular on Andrea Doria, with whom he was friendly. He drew closer to Charles IX's France, wanting to have a powerful ally to protect Genoa from outside interference, particularly from the Duchy of Milan. Although he allowed Genoa to regain a certain stability, the doge was confronted with the other Albergo and especially the Fregoso supported by Milan. The plots of his rivals caused him to be driven from power in the summer of 1530. A new period of instability set in in Genoa during which the Fregoso took advantage, supported by Maximilian Sforza. In the autumn of 1531, Giano II di Campofregoso took over the position of doge with the help of the Duke of Milan.

During the years 1527-1529, the Venetian Republic tried to protect its territories and Durres from the Ottomans. The Venetians had the financial support of the Pope but spent considerable resources defending the port against Ottoman assaults during this period. They also had to deploy their fleet to try to protect their possessions in the eastern Mediterranean as the Bosnian bey continued to raid Dalmatia. The breakdown of the trade agreements with the Turks and the treaty of 1502 put the Serenissima in a difficult position. Only the fall of Egypt during Charles V's expedition gave them an opportunity for a commercial outlet for goods from the East. This led the maritime republic to negotiate with the Mamluk emirs in 1528 to obtain a trade agreement and an alliance against the Ottoman threat. A treaty was signed in June 1528 which allowed Venice to have a trading post in Alexandria. But despite these advances, the doge and some of the patricians were increasingly inclined to seek negotiations with the Ottomans to preserve their territories.
In 1529, the death of Paul III led to the official disappearance of the Holy League, but the clashes between the Venetians and the Ottomans continued, especially on Corfu and in the Cyclades. Dürres was retaken by the Ottomans in September 1530. Exhausted, the Serenissima resigned itself to signing an armistice with Soliman in the spring of 1531, which returned to a tense status quo of the pre-1523 situation, while the maritime republic was obliged to pay a heavy tribute to the Sublime Porte without however being able to resume their commercial exchanges.
On the diplomatic front, Venice continued to maintain good relations with the kingdom of France, renewing their alliance with the entry of Charles IX into the majority. But in the conflict against the Ottomans, they were obliged to rely on the forces of Charles V, especially to preserve Durres. But the omnipotence of the Habsburg emperor and their rivalry over the territory of Verona led the Venetians to approach the new pope, Pius IV, in the early 1530s, whose position was less favourable to the emperor than that of his predecessor.

During the years 1527-1531, Florence experienced a change in its governance. If Giulio de Medici had governed the city as regent and Gran Maestro since 1519 and allowed the city to prosper again, the arrival of his two nephews as adults in 1528-1529 changed the situation: the cardinal was obliged to cede governance to his two nephews even though he continued to play an important role in advising them. The latter were faced with a severe famine that hit Tuscany in 1528. The two cousins, who were rivals because they shared the government of the city, did not agree on how to deal with the situation: Alessandro considered it important to be able to help the peasants, while Ippolito stressed the supply problems that could arise if they allowed the peasants to enter Florence. It is only through the arbitration of their uncle that a solution is found: the cardinal decides to buy stocks of grain to try and sell them at low cost to allow the peasants to survive.
A favourite candidate to succeed Paul III in the spring conclave of 1529, the cardinal ended up supporting Giovanni Piccolomini, who was considered neutral in the controversy surrounding the annulment of Henry VIII's marriage to Catherine of Aragon and in the emerging rivalry between the Tudors and the Habsburgs. The cardinal continued to play an important role in the life of the curia, but found himself at odds with some of the new pope's decisions, notably on the question of the annulment of Henry VIII's marriage.
In Florence, the cardinal had to deal with his two nephews, Alessandro and Ippolito: the two cousins were in charge of the city's governance but they disliked and were jealous of each other. This rivalry is reflected in their political choices: what one undertakes is thwarted by the other. Where Alessandro defends a princely policy, Ippolito takes the side of the communes and defends the city's republican institutions. Alessandro, however, gradually gains the support of the Florentines because of his sense of justice and common sense, causing Ippolito to be relegated to the background. Giulio de' Medici tries to ease the tensions between the two cousins, but this becomes increasingly difficult. Alessandro's skills also lead the cardinal to favour him little by little, reinforcing Ippolito's jealousy. This rivalry is compounded by the fact that Ippolito is in love with Alessandro's half-sister Catherine, while Giulio has plans for her marriage that could strengthen the position and prestige of their family.
During these years, the Medici strengthened their relations with the Holy See and especially with Charles V. They also decided to interfere in the affairs of Siena, which had been in a state of instability since the Petrucci family fell from power in 1525. Although the Florentines supported Giulio and then Alessandro, the republican faction remained rather hostile to them and took advantage of Ippolito's rivalry with his cousin to plot against his family.

(1) In 1529, under the impetus of Zwingli and the city council, Zurich put less emphasis on its military resources, weakening its military capabilities and the quality of its soldiers.
(2) The Ilanz articles extended the rights of the communes, in particular by strengthening the dominance of state institutions over the church and reducing seigneurial rights.

 

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1527-1531: The Habsburg Lands
The years 1527-1531 were challenging for the Habsburgs as many events affected Christendom and their lands.

Shortly after his return from his expedition, Charles V undertook to marry, aware that it was more necessary than ever for him to have an heir. He decided to strengthen the alliance with Portugal by marrying Isabella of Portugal, which took place in the summer of 1527. The marriage soon became a love match between the two and within the first four years of marriage Mary was born in 1528, Philip in 1529 and Joan in 1530. Isabella was to be of help to him by being in charge of the lands of Spain and the Americas. The young woman was more supportive of an Iberian-centric approach to her husband's reign, especially as the kingdom of France developed a colony in the New World in complete breach of the Treaty of Tordesillas.
After his return from the Holy League War, Charles V was faced with many challenges. Like other parts of Christendom, his lands suffered an agricultural crisis in the years 1529-1531. This crisis fuelled tensions, especially against the background of a growing division within the Lands of the Empire due to the position of the German princes on the Edict of Worms. The refusal of the Lutheran princes who called themselves Reformed to apply the edict led Charles V to intervene more firmly in the problem. Holding the Diet in Speyer from November 1527 to March 1528, he reaffirmed the decisions of the Edict of Worms, reversing the concessions granted by his brother at the first Diet of Speyer. This strengthened the opposition of the Lutheran princes gathered in the Torgau League, who were urged by Martin Luther to show firmness and opposition to the emperor and the Catholic Church. The holding of the Council of Mantua raised expectations on the part of the emperor and the German princes, who hoped to resolve the problem through the council. When the Council of Mantua was interrupted by the death of Paul III, Charles V held a second Diet in Speyer in the summer of 1529, during which he reaffirmed the decisions of the Edict of Worms and demanded that the Lutheran princes submit. The latter united behind Philip of Hesse and John I of Saxony, publishing the Confession of Speyer, which introduced Lutheranism and was rejected by Charles V. If the German princes had had high expectations of the Council of Mantua, the emperor's firmness on the Edict of Worms and the divisions within the council made them more determined than ever to defend their interests. Their resolve was strengthened by Martin Luther's call to stop arguing with the Catholic Church and the emperor and to take up arms to defend their rights. The decisions of the Diet of Speyer to uphold the Edict of Worms and the obligation of the princes to submit to it by April 1530 led several members of the Torgau League to gather in Marburg in the wake of the colloquy between Martin Luther and Ulrich Zwingli and to form the League of Marburg officially in a military alliance at the beginning of 1530. Its members demanded religious peace and freedom of worship at the Diet of Regensburg in 1531. The refusal of the Habsburgs to accede to their demands contributed to increased tensions within the Holy Roman Empire as the League sought to strengthen itself in preparation for a possible conflict with Charles V.
Unlike the lands of the Empire, the Kingdom of Spain was in a period of stability during this period and began to benefit from the resources of the New World. The Holy League War against the Ottoman Empire also allowed the kingdom to strengthen its presence in the Mediterranean, reinforcing its presence in the territories under its control in North Africa and adding the fortress of La Goulette, the island of Djerba and the port of Damietta to its hold. This greater control allowed the Spanish to weaken the Barbary pirates, but also to establish a commercial link with the East via Damietta and the support they gave to the Mamluks. This led Isabella to persuade her husband to further strengthen the Spanish presence in the Mediterranean to ensure the security of the Spanish coastline and to counter any expansionist return of the Ottoman Empire. During the same period, the fight against Luther's ideas and those that seemed to threaten Catholic orthodoxy was strengthened with the purge of Erasmus' followers from 1529 onwards.
In December 1530 Margaret of Austria, Charles V's aunt, died, leaving the governance of the Netherlands vacant. Charles V called upon Eleanor, his elder sister, who had been widowed in 1521. In the spring of 1531, Eleanor and her daughter Mary left Vienna in which they were living since the death of her husband, Manuel I of Portugal. Joining the Netherlands in the summer of 1531, Eleanor was presented to the general services in Brussels where she began her regency on behalf of her brother.
On the diplomatic front, Charles V faced a series of difficulties of various kinds. Henry VIII's intention to annul his marriage to Catherine of Aragon led to tense relations between the English sovereign and the emperor, the latter defending his aunt's marriage and pushing Paul III to refuse to grant the King of England this right. In doing so, he also found himself in a complicated relationship with the kingdom of France, with Mary of England and then Charles IX siding with Henry VIII. The relationship with the French monarchy was further strained by the development of French expeditions to the New World. Charles V protested against this policy, arguing that it was against the Treaty of Tordesillas and even asked Paul III to reaffirm the treaty. This opposition led him to strengthen his alliance with Portugal, the other beneficiary of the Treaty of Tordesillas. His relationship with the Holy See was excellent between 1527 and 1529, with Paul III arranging for a council to be held to settle the problems within the Church and to resolve the problem caused by the ideas of Martin Luther and Ulrich Zwingli. With the death of Paul III and the arrival of Pius IV, he lost a valuable ally, although the new pope wanted to continue the work of his predecessor. However, he strengthened his ties with Florence and maintained good relations with Milan. On the other hand, with his marriage to Isabella of Portugal, Charles V consolidated his alliance with Portugal. Relations with Portugal improved further with the signing of the Treaty of Saragossa in April 1529, which resolved the conflict over the Molucca Islands (1) in the East: arbitration was decided to distinguish between Spanish and Portuguese areas of influence, leading the Spanish to cede the Molucca Islands to their neighbours, while the latter recognised their influence and authority over all the lands east of the islands.
Following the end of his Holy League expedition, Charles V worked to strengthen the alliance with the Mamluk emirs chosen to rule Egypt, but also with the Sefavids, to whom he had sent an embassy in the winter of 1525-26 when he was in Egypt in the hope of reviving the alliance project previously proposed by Ismail I, which had remained a dead letter after the death of the Persian ruler in 1524. He also supported Venice in their conflict with the Ottoman Empire over the years 1528-1531, allowing support for Durres, although this support waned over the years as the emperor's eyes turned northwards from 1529.
Two territories contributed to his difficulties: the kingdom of Hungary and Denmark. Ludwig II of Hungary faced major difficulties in the late 1520s that threatened the stability of his kingdom, while the Ottoman threat remained strong in the south of the Magyar kingdom. In the case of Denmark, Charles V decided to support his brother-in-law Christian II to regain his throne, determined to counter the spread of Martin Luther's ideas in Christendom and to have allies to consolidate his influence as his relations with the kingdoms of France and England became complicated. As Christian II went on an expedition to retake Norway, Charles V took his son John with him to the Diet of Speyer in 1529 to train him for his future role as King of Norway and to make him an important player in Habsburg politics. He supported his brother-in-law in the conflict against his uncle Frederick I, using his relations with the Függer family to finance Christian II and sending him some reinforcements in ships and men in 1530.

In the late 1520s, Ferdinand of Habsburg set about reorganising the hereditary lands and carrying out the reforms that the War of the Holy League had slowed down because of the financial cost of the war. The Archduke set about strengthening his power through administrative services and reducing the deficit accumulated under his grandfather. With the help of his German advisors and jurists, he began to draw inspiration from Roman law in order to set up a collegiate management of competences or the separation of financial affairs from political and judicial affairs. This led to the emergence of central institutions. Although resistance persisted within the states, it became less strong, particularly as a result of the decline in military spending and the firmness with which the Archduke dealt with those who rebelled against his authority.
Alongside his responsibilities as Archduke, Ferdinand was involved in the affairs of the Empire, participating in the diets of Speyer and witnessing the growing opposition of the Lutheran princes. Against this background of tension, Charles V had him elected King of the Romans in January 1530, making him his heir apparent to the imperial crown. The creation of the Marburg League put him in opposition to its members, with the Archduke refusing their demands during the Diet of Regensburg.

In addition to managing his lands and being involved in the affairs of the Empire, Ferdinand worked on his relations with his brother-in-law Louis II of Hungary and maintained an important correspondence with his sister Mary. The Archduke set out to strengthen his family's influence in the Hungarian royal court, taking advantage of the important role his sister was taking in Hungarian and Bohemian political affairs and the influence that had developed with the Holy League War. Ferdinand disagreed, however, about some of his sister's political choices or the fact that she seemed to have sympathies for the ideas of Martin Luther. And as the 1530s dawned, he was concerned about the emerging unrest in the kingdom of Hungary, while the Ottoman threat remained strong in the south. This led him to support his brother-in-law in the conflict against the rebellious magnates who tried to muzzle his power at the Bloody Diet. He continued to support the Croatian ban against Turkish raids by providing some resources and mercenaries to defend himself.
During this period, his wife gave him four more children: his main heir Maximilian born in 1527, Anne born in 1528, Ferdinand in 1529 and Mary in 1531.

(1) After Magellan's expedition, Charles V sent a new expedition to establish a position in the Molucca archipelago. In doing so, the Spanish entered into competition with the Portuguese, who had discovered the archipelago in 1511 and started to develop their presence and influence. There was a latent conflict between the two Iberian kingdoms over the question of who would own the islands. It also raised the question of the eastern boundary between the Portuguese and Spanish zones of influence under the Treaty of Tordesillas.

 

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1527-1531: Hungary's troubles
The years 1527-1531 were full of tension and unrest for the Kingdom of Hungary as threats from within and without were numerous.

In 1527, Louis II was faced with a difficult situation in his kingdom. The Holy League expedition had failed to repel the Turks, and had only managed to recapture Šabac and provide a minimal defence in the south of the country. The conflict weakened the kingdom's squandered financial resources and accentuated the divisions between the Hungarian nobility and aristocracy. The latter are in strong rivalry, quarrelling violently and seeking to assert their power and influence in the kingdom and now grouping together in defensive leagues to defend their interests. Their divisions are reinforced by their position in relation to the king and the Habsburgs. On the one hand, the aristocracy was hostile to foreign influences and wanted to defend its prerogatives in the face of the strengthening of royal power, especially after the Diet of 1526, which saw the introduction of laws reinforcing the power of Louis II. On the other hand, part of the nobility, grouped in the Adventurous Union, supported the king and denounced the abuses of their aristocratic rivals. The Hungarian political elite was divided, but united against the ideas of Martin Luther, as the Hungarian magnates saw these ideas as another embodiment of foreign influence and did not forgive the German monk for considering the Turkish threat as insignificant and even as a divine punishment for their sins. Measures against the development of Lutheran ideas had been tightened since their introduction in 1523 and became increasingly repressive against those who expressed sympathy for or discussed these ideas.

In addition to the internal divisions in his kingdom, Louis II still faced the Ottoman threat. The conflict with his powerful neighbour was still ongoing and Hungary's southern territories were still threatened by the Turks, although the recapture of Šabac provided some protection. Only the attrition resulting from the last two years of conflict, the success of Charles V's expedition in North Africa and the conflict between Venice and the Ottomans allowed the Magyar kingdom to enjoy a fragile respite, as the local Ottoman governors continued to carry out raids against the southern territories of the kingdom, especially in Croatia, in the late 1520s. Although the Holy League had dissolved due to divisions among the Christian powers and failures in the Balkans, Louis II could still rely on Ferdinand of Habsburg's military support for the Croatian ban and on the Pope's financial support, even if the divisions and fragility of his kingdom saw subsidies diminish. In the summer of 1527, the young ruler learned that his relative, King Sigismund I of Poland, seemed willing to support him against the Turkish threat, the Polish ruler being reluctant to see the Ottomans become even more threatening on the southern flank of his kingdom.

In addition to the difficulties inherent in the kingdom of Hungary, Ludwig II had to deal with the development of Martin Luther's ideas in the Bohemia he was in charge of. The territory was characterised by the existence of the Czech Brethren, the Hussite church that had succeeded in establishing itself in the previous century. However, the similarities between Hussite and Lutheran doctrines led some of the Hussites to join Luther's ideas, mainly the Union of Brothers, while some of the nobility was influenced by the German princes who favoured Luther's ideas. However, the authority of Ludwig II was strengthened by the role played by his wife in setting up structures similar to those of his brothers in their respective territories.

In this troubled context, the young sovereign could rely on his wife, Marie of Austria. The young woman proved to be a remarkable political figure during her regency and was more than ever an important support for Ludwig II in the face of many difficulties and challenges. The young woman is now the most influential figure at court and works to strengthen her husband's authority over his various domains, but also to consolidate her kingdom's relations with her brothers, Archduke Ferdinand and Emperor Charles V, while striving to maintain her autonomy from their decisions. Her liveliness and abilities in governance and military affairs are praised by the Hungarians, as they compensate for the weak character of her husband. However, some of her choices were not appreciated and prevented her from acquiring the support necessary to ensure the stability of the kingdom in the face of numerous threats. In particular, the young queen continued to surround herself with a number of Germanic advisors, which was not to the liking of several Hungarian lords. In order to strengthen her husband's position, she was inspired by the policies developed by her brother Ferdinand and tried to apply them in Hungary, which contributed to the strong hostility of the magnates against her. Her difficult relationship with the Hungarian lords was compounded by suspicions that she was sympathetic to the ideas of Martin Luther, a situation which led Ferdinand in particular to warn her against following these ideas. Her efforts to solve the kingdom's financial problems are hampered by the fact that she and Ludwig II spend heavily on various royal activities. Her political choices and proposals are, however, sometimes hampered by Louis II's own decisions not to put himself at odds with his lords. The young queen had fewer difficulties in Bohemia, although she still had to deal with the local aristocracy. However, her husband's policy of strengthening his power enabled Louis II to draw resources from his Bohemian estates and to free himself somewhat from the control of the lords, especially those in Hungary.

In the summer of 1527, Mary gave birth to a daughter whom she named Anne in honour of Louis II's mother. This birth was welcomed with relief by the young royal couple, as their marriage had been going on for more than five years, and gave them hope that they would have an heir to perpetuate Louis II's power and who could one day be appointed to succeed his father. But during the same period, Ludwig II was confronted with a violent rebellion by Hungarian aristocrats: they did not appreciate the turn of the previous year's Diet of Rákos and were determined to denounce the new laws that had been put in place, arguing that they had been imposed by force. Now more unified in the face of a common challenge, the members of the defensive league of aristocrats sought to impose their views. But Louis II refused to give in and had the Diet lifted, while the members of the Adventurous Union set about neutralising their opponents in order to help the king impose his will. The young sovereign, relying more than ever on his wife, undertook to reform the kingdom's tax system in order to combat corruption, in particular by changing the method of appointing tax collectors who were elected at county level. Feeling more threatened than ever, the Hungarian magnates and part of the aristocracy joined together despite their conflicting interests in a "national" league to defend their influence and power against the strengthening of royal power and the influence of the Habsburgs. This league sought to persuade John Zápolya to be their leader, the voivode of Transylvania being reputed to be the champion of the national cause and a close contender for the Hungarian crown. But the latter hesitated and preferred to be neutral, determined to defend his own interests to the best of his ability and more concerned with supporting Prince Radu V of Wallachia to preserve his position. The voivode, however, was neutral in his position regarding the internal conflicts, giving the opportunity to the coalised aristocrats to plot against Ludwig II to force him to reverse the laws introduced at the Diet of 1526. The birth of Princess Anne precipitated their plot, as they feared that Louis II would have a male heir who would strengthen his power. The conspirators plan a coup de force for the next Diet held by the sovereign. But the sometimes conflicting interests of the conspirators, the vigilance of the queen and the determination of the Adventurous Union to support the king hindered this project and only the implicit support of the Voivode of Transylvania allowed the aristocratic league to carry it out.

In June 1528, when a new Diet was being held to discuss the reorganisation of the kingdom's structures and its defence against the Turks, the members of the aristocratic league attempted a coup de force by appearing with armed men with the intention of forcing the king to yield to their demands. This irruption provoked the ire of the members of the Adventurous Union and led to a serious confrontation that contemporaries called the "Bloody Diet". Louis II escaped the confrontation but was marked by the aggression of the aristocrats. Reacting swiftly, he demanded the arrest and execution of the ringleaders, although his chancellor and Queen Marie managed to dissuade him from being so brutal. While some of the leaders of the bloody diet are arrested and tried for treason against the crown, others escape to their estates. The arrested men were convicted, some executed, others dispossessed of their lands. Although the failure of the coup and the punishment of some of the leaders helped to fracture the aristocratic league, it did not stop the hostilities: several of the conspirators who had escaped the royal wrath and their allies preferred to take refuge on their lands and prepare to defend themselves, arguing for the defence of traditional rights and denouncing foreign interference in the kingdom's affairs.

During the winter of 1528-1529 and the spring of 1529, the kingdom of Hungary experienced a period of apparent calm despite the high tensions between the various factions. However, Louis II and his entourage undertook actions to strengthen royal power following the events of the Bloody Diet, while the aristocrats and nobles who were hostile to any strengthening of royal power prepared for the worst. The trigger was the Royal Diet of May 1529: Louis II reaffirmed and strengthened the institutional reforms put in place over the previous years. His decisions were received with great hostility by the aristocracy and some elements of the Hungarian nobility, but they could not sway the sovereign, who hinted at the same fate as the conspirators condemned at the Bloody Diet. He was supported by the middle nobility of the kingdom, which had not forgiven the conspirators and their allies for the attempted coup d'état the previous year.
The Diet of May 1529 precipitated hostilities: in the summer of 1529, the members of the aristocratic league decided to rebel to defend themselves and their power and influence against a royal power that was considered increasingly threatening and manipulated by the Habsburgs. The poor weather that hit the region in the summer and autumn of 1529 prevented any military campaign during the period and during the winter of 1529-1530 neither the rebels nor Ludwig II took any action, each side concentrating on gathering their forces and seeking help from other Hungarian lords or external allies. In this conflict, neither the Voivode of Transylvania nor the Croatian Ban is committed to one side or the other: John Zápolya is more concerned with the unrest in neighbouring Wallachia and the Croatian Ban is faced with the risk of further Ottoman attacks. The rebels sought in vain the help of John Zápolya and then of the new prince of Moldavia, Peter IV Rareş. For his part, Ludwig II could count on his wife Marie, who revealed a great interest in the military field, even if this put her at odds with some Hungarian nobles who supported the king. The latter asks for help from his brother-in-law and his uncle. Although Sigismund I remained in the background, Ferdinand of Habsburg agreed to provide him with some men.
In May 1530, at the royal diet, Louis II obtained the support of the Hungarian nobility in the conflict against the rebels. He entrusted the palatine of the kingdom, Stephen VII Báthory, with the repression of the rebels. The latter left Buda with the royal army in June 1530. During the summer, numerous skirmishes raged between the king's allies and the rebels, the latter seeking to consolidate their position while avoiding facing the royal army. But in September 1530, the royal army met the rebels near Debrecen. After a violent battle, the rebels were defeated and dispersed, while several of the leaders were killed in the confrontation. This defeat decapitated the aristocratic league and weakened the power of the magnates. When he learned of his palatine's success at the beginning of October 1530, Louis II hesitated between clemency and severity, the young king's lack of character being confronted with the trauma of the Bloody Diet. On the advice of his wife and chancellor, he eventually showed clemency to the surviving rebel leaders, but stripped the League's main leaders of their lands and wealth. Despite his success against the rebels and the apparent strengthening of his power, Louis II was more than ever faced with a fragmented kingdom as he now had to deal with the middle nobility who had taken advantage of the unfortunate actions of the magnates who had plotted against the sovereign. Other important figures in the kingdom were able to strengthen their position, such as the Voivode of Transylvania, although his neutrality was criticised by some and he seemed to have weakened his position as champion of Hungarian interests. Stephen VII Báthory's position is strengthened but he attracts the jealousy of other members of the Hungarian elite or Stephen Báthory of the Somlyó branch, who works in the service of John Zápolya as second-in-command of the Transylvanian voivode.

In June 1531, Louis II confirmed clemency for the rebellious lords at the royal diet. During 1531, the young sovereign endeavoured to strengthen his kingdom and was able to take advantage of the weakening of aristocratic opposition to consolidate his power, relying more than ever on his wife and his chancellor, with Mary's energy and skills compensating for his weaknesses. Although he was able to rely on part of the kingdom's middle nobility thanks to the Adventurous Union, the young sovereign nevertheless saw opposition grow from the rest of the nobility, which was joined by the magnates who had not supported the rebels: the weakening of the aristocratic faction benefited the nobility, which now found itself the main player in the kingdom in relation to the king. Determined to defend its new position of power, the nobility sought to use the Diet to make itself indispensable in the management of the kingdom and to prevent the king from developing too much. Only the voivode of Transylvania can contribute to a significant role due to his position and he begins to take advantage of the new situation within the kingdom. The Turkish threat is a major concern of the court, as the unrest of the previous years has affected the military and economic capacity of the kingdom to withstand further attacks from the Ottoman Empire.
In April 1531, Mary gave birth to an heir whom she named Louis in honour of his father. This birth was greeted with relief and joy by the royal couple, as it removed the risk of a succession crisis should Louis II be killed. The birth also strengthens the royal power and helps to consolidate the new opposition, which is formed around prominent members of the nobility, while John Zápolya is a wait-and-see attitude, more concerned with the unrest in neighbouring Wallachia. The Voivode of Transylvania, however, continued to strengthen his influence among the Hungarian nobility and gradually emerged as a counterweight to the strengthening of royal power.