The Struggle of Democracy: A Spanish Quest (1978-1981)

1. introduction. Spain from 1974 to 1977.

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Alfonso XIV and his wife, Carmen, seen here on his wedding day (March 8th, 1972)

1. introduction. Spain from 1974 to 1977.

As we have previously seen, Franco's death in 1974 and the new hopes that king Alfonso XIV seemed to convey to the hardcore Francoist supporters, the burocratic system and the armed forces diverted Spaniards' attention from their economy. Apparently, Francoism went on in Spain, even if Franco was dead. However, the "honey moon" period finished as soon it was clear that the so-called "12 February" process (1) was not going to bring any true democracy to Spain. Thus, in the face of the popular protests, the regime became increasingly oppressive, brutal, corrupt, and extravagant (2). On top of that, the 1973 oil crisis hit hard the Spanish economy, and its effects worsened the basic functional failures of the Spanish economy that brought economic bottlenecks, shortages, and inflation and exploded in the "winter of Discontent" of 1974-1975.

Alfonso XIV was perceived by many as a puppet of the so-called "bunker", the nucleus of hardcore Francoists that wanted to preserve Franco's legacy and, at the same time, the suport that Washington and London had been given to the Spanish regime to keep Communism at bay, became more fragile as the promises of Madrid about a democratic reform failed and the international standing of Spain reached new levels of infamy.

Then, a rise in the price of tobacco caused a storm that paralyzed the country when the initial protests against the measure spiralled and led to violent clashes with the Security Forces in Barcelona, Bilbao, Madrid and Valencia. Then, Alfonso XIV forced the resignation of his prime minister, Arias Vanarro, who was replaced by a more reformist minded politician, Manuel Fraga, who announced, on March 24, 1975, the "Spring Reform", a promised reform that would modernize Spain. However, there were several doubts about its true nature and its was perceived as an attempt by Fraga to clean the image of the royal family.

The "Spring Reform", aimed to win back the hearts and the minds of the peasants and working class ad to create new jobs and to shuffle new ife in to the Spanish economy, failed in face of the utter decomposition of the latter by 1977, when inflation reached new levels (20%) and there were one million of unemployed and very angered Spaniards on the streets. Thus, the attempt to bring reform from above and preserve the regime, crashed down in flames.





(1) The so-called "espíritu del 12 de febrero" (the spirit of February 12) was the name given in OTL to a timid reformist process proposed by Carlos Arias Navarro in 1974, the last president of the Francoist Spain, that came to nothing due to its own shortcommings and the resistance of the Francoist hardliners.

(2) In this TL, queen Carmen (born Carmen Martínez-Bordiu y Franco) became a modern version of Queen Marie Antoinette mixed with Tsarina Alexandra of Russia, wife of Nicholas II.
 

Feunoyr

Banned
Oh great !
¡Viva el verdadero rey! ¡arriba España!
Even if I think we will never have the opportunity to see King Louis II of Spain succeed to his father ...
 

Ramontxo

Donor
Please I hope you have something planned for the carlists with their own internal split going even worse and more bloody...
 
1. introduction. Spain from 1974 to 1977 (2)

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Manuel Fraga Iribarne, the last prime minister of Alfonso XIV.
1. introduction. Spain from 1974 to 1977 (2)

When Alejandro Rodríguez de Valcárcel resigned from his post as the president of the Council of the Realm on July 1977 (1) and withdrew from politics due to health issues, the Spanish Prime Minister, Manuel Fraga picked out Licino de la Fuente, former Minister for Work and Pensions under Franco, from 1969 to 1975. The other two candidates, Emilio Lamo de Espinosa and Torucato Fernández Miranda were deemed "too conservative" and "too reformist", respectively. Thus, de la Fuente had been related with the execution of Salvador Puig Antich and that had not been forgotten by the oppositiors to the regime and soon new strikes and demonstrations stroke the country.

Thus, on July 15th, Fraga annouced a reshuffle of the Spanish cabinet that would bring two monarchists ministers into its ranks: José María de Areilza and Leopoldo Calvo-Sotelo) and that he was to put forward the Ley de Asociaciones Políticas (LAP - Political Reform Bill), that, excluding the Partido Comunista de España (PCE - Communist Party of Spain), that would lead to the first free General Elections in Spain since 1936. However, Fraga has to charm first the Spanish Cortes (the parliament), which was composed by Francoist politicians, to pass the LAP. And he failed in that. Thus, as the Cortes shot down the LAP on July 20, 1977, it marked the beginning of the end. Two days later, several Spanish liberal and anti-francoist intelectuals (Vicente Aleixandre, Aranguren, Antonio Tovar, Laín Entralgo, Ruiz-Giménez, Torrente Ballester and José Antonio Maravall) met in the Universidad Complutense de Madrid, the main university of the Spanish capital, to discuss the political situation in an open debate which was closed by the Policia Armada, the dreaded grises.

On the next day, July 23th, demonstrations broke out in various different cities. The largest was in Valencia, that soon turned into a full-scale riot. Cinemas, bars, banks, and police stations were set ablaze. Units of Army were deployed to the city to restore order, Four days later, a General Strike brough Spain to a sudden halt, in spite of the best efforts of the government. Then Alfonso XIV took matters into his own hands. He appeared in the Spanish television to announce that the liberalization process was to go on, and that he was not to use force against the protest movement, but he was willing to negotiate with its leaders. Censorship was relaxed, and a resolution was drafted to help reduce corruption within the government and the royal family, even if the queen Maria del Carmen paid no attention to this and kept her very expensive lifestyle. Protesters were tried in civilian courts rather than by military court-martials, and were quickly released.

Then, General Elections were called to take place on January 14th, 1978.

(1) Rodríguez de Valcárcel died on November 25, 1976 in OTL, but here I have kept him alive for some time. Perhaps as the regim was still the old one even without Franco, his heart would last a bit longer.
 

Ramontxo

Donor
I have come to being quite simpatetic with the original Maria Antonieta but have quite a different disposition to its later Spanish counterpart...
 
Well, it seems that will be a very interesting time for Spain...in the Chinese sense.

Edit.
In this TL, queen Carmen (born Carmen Martínez-Bordiu y Franco) became a modern version of Queen Marie Antoinette mixed with Tsarina Alexandra of Russia, wife of Nicholas II

Remembering what had in common theirs Royal husbands/families... this would finish very bad for the Spanish royal couple...
 
Last edited:
I have come to being quite simpatetic with the original Maria Antonieta but have quite a different disposition to its later Spanish counterpart...

I wonder why...

Well, it seems that will be a very interesting time for Spain...in the Chinese sense.

Edit.

Remembering what had in common theirs Royal husbands/families... this would finish very bad for the Spanish royal couple...

Well, I meant pre-revolution...
 
1. introduction. Spain from 1974 to 1977 (3)
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1. introduction. Spain from 1974 to 1977 (3)

By the sheer will of the king, the Cortes voted again and passed the LAP ten days later. With it, new political associations could be created, but within the Movimiento (1). Also, they were requested to swear an oath to the Principios Fundamentales (Principles of the National Movement) and they would be under the control of the Consejo Nacional (2). One month later, the LAP proved to be a complete failure, as only one political association had fulfilled all the requisites that the law demanded. It was the Acción Democrática Española (ADE - Spanish Democratic Action) led by Federico Silva Muñoz, who had been Minister of Public Works from 1965 to 1970. The failure was caused by the refusal of the most democractic and reformist members of the regime, that considered that the LAP was woefully inadecuated.

Even the Prime Minister, Manuel Fraga, agreed with them and, on September 5th, a new LAP was presented and passed. The fear of a new General Strike and the tense calm that one could feel on the Spanish streets forced the hand of the even more conservative members of the Cortes. The Basque Country was under martial law after the strikes that had followed one after the next, since March 1976 and had led to a huge military deployment and the martial law, that remained in place since May of that year. The diplomatic blacklash that followed had damaged deeply not only the international standing of Spain but also the popularity of the government. Many feared that a revolution was on the making and for that reason the new LAP had been more lenient towards the new political parties.

Right wing parties
-The Alianza Nacional (AN - National Union), ledy by Manuel Fraga, a right-wing Coalition of several Conservative parties and associations.
-The already mentioned Silva's Acción Democrática Española (ADE), which included some former Francoist ministers.
-The Partido Popular (PP - Popular Party), led by the then Foreign Minister, Jose María de Areilza.
-The Federación de la Democracia Cristiana (FDC - Federation of the Cristian Democratic parties), led by Jose María Gil Robles, a heavy weight of the pre-civil war Spain that had been ousted by Franco for his monarchist views.

Center wing parties
-The Federación de Partidos Demócratas y Liberales (PDL- Federation of Democratic and Liberal Parties), led by Joaquín Garrigues Walker, a lawyer with family links to the industry and the Francoist regime.
-The Partido de Centro Popular (PCP - Popular Center party) of Adolfo Suárez, a high rank member of the Movimiento.

Of course, there were no Left parties, not even moderate ones, as even the reformist Left politicians refused to take part in what they considered to be a charade of the regime.



(1) from the Wikipedia: The Movimiento Nacional (English: National Movement) was the name given to the nationalist inspired mechanism during Francoist rule in Spain, which purported to be the only channel of participation in Spanish public life. It responded to a doctrine of corporatism in which only so-called "natural entities" could express themselves: families, municipalities and unions.

(2) The Consejo Nacional (National Council) was a copy of the Grand Council of Fascism, and it was the main body Franco's government, under his control and following his will. It existed until 1977 in OTL.
 
2. The electoral campaign: a wasted hope.
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Suarez and Fraga,
Two men fated to try to reach an agreement

2. The electoral campaign: a wasted hope.

The electoral process was marked by an eerie calm. More new parties were added (1), even if some of them only existed for a few weeks or even days, before vanishing or joining other parties, as the AN, the PP or the PCP. Meanwhile, a few voices claimed their discomfort at the lack of obvious lack of Left parties, but they were preaching in the desert and their worries remained ignored in the peaceful calm of the process.

Then disastre struck. Hardly a third of the voters (12,010,094 voters, 31,60%) went to the polling stations, which had a ghostly aspect during most of the day. Looking at the results of the three most voted parties, it is easy to judge the level of failure of the whole process and of the "democratic reform".

Alianza Nacional (AN - National Union) - Manuel Fraga - 2,041,715 votes - 17.06%
Partido de Centro Popular (PCP - Popular Center party) - Adolfo Suárez - 1,561,312 votes - 13.07%
Acción Democrática Española (ADE) - Federico Silva - 147,724 votes - 1.23%

Undaunted, Alfonso XIV asked Fraga to be his prime minister, not willing to admit defeat. Fraga, however, not so stubborn, understanding that not only those voters with Leftish simpathies refrained from voting, and began to prepare the second stage of the political reform, even if that meant including some Left parties as the PSOE and having to fight a hard battle with the Francoist bunker. This matter became more pressing when on January 21st, 1978, a new wave of strikes broke the calm and ETA, the Basque terrorist organization, resumed its campaign of violence against the regime, that had apparently stopped in October 1977 and returned with a violent blacklash against the members of the Security and the Armes Forces. Between that day of January and May 18, 1978, four Guardia Civiles and a Policia Armada would be murdered in two ambushes in Guizpúcoa. In addition to this, 12 civilians were killed and 30 injured by a bomb at the resturante of the San Marcos Hotel, in Burgos, a place that Fraga has used to rest during the past electoral campaign.

With the workers of Madrid, Bilbao and Barcelona constantly on strike, which had led the government to take harsh measures to put them down, Fraga met Cyrus Vance, the United States Secretary of State under the new elected President Jimmy Carter. With the country in turmoil because of the opressive measures taken, Vance pressed Fraga for more and real reforms for once an all. Thus, Fraga and his vice-president, Suárez, set themselves to prepare not only a political reform but also a royal pardon and a partial political amnesty, which was annouced on February 17. Even if it was too little and too late, it was the only thing that Fraga could do at the moment.

In secret, Suárez met with Enrique Tierno Galván, who was deemed to be the most moderate Socialist leader, to discuss the possiblity of legalizing the Socialist Party, but bearing in mind that the "real" PSOE led by Rodolfo Llopis was considered too extremist even by the most reformist minded Francoist. Thus was born the Partido Socialista Popular (PSP - Socialist Popular Party) led by Enrique Tierno Galván, made up by those Socialist politicians that were living in Spain and dismissed the theories of Llopis as too idealistic and mytholoogised. A few days later, a reformed Partido Socialista Obrero Español (PSOE - Spanish Socialist Worker's Party) would be also born, as Felipe González replaced Rodolfo Llopis as its General Secretary, but it was to remain outside the legal core of Spanish political parties.

On June 15, 1978, the second General Elections of the post-Francoist Spain were to take place.


(1) The most importante of the new parties were
Unión Nacional Española (UNE - Spanish National Union), led by Gonzalo Fernández de la Mora, mixing Francoist and Carlist ideas.
Alianza Nacional 18 de Julio (AN18J - National Alliance, July 18th), led by José Antonio Girón, former Francoist minister and one of the most important and well known members of the ultra-right section of the "bunker".
Democracia Cristiana (DC - Christian Democracy), a Christian democratic party led by a former Education Minister, Joaquin Ruiz-Gimenez.
 
3. Sisyphus in Spain: the many reforms of the Spanish Transición.
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Spain: one country or
a federal union?

3. Sisyphus in Spain: the many reforms of the Spanish Transición.

The second electoral process was not as peaceful as the first, as the strikes and riots marked the campaign. Fraga and Suárez stated over and over again that the only chance of Spain becoming a democratic nation dependend on the reform that it was being carried out, even if at a snail's pace. However, the popular voice was heard as the strikers and protesters demanded that all the democratic parties were legalised, PSOE and PCE included. Thus, many feared that violence would take place on the election day and that the participation would be even worse than in the first elections.

However, they were wrong.

There was no violence, and more voters went to the polling stations (13,910,095 voters, 36,6% now vs 12,010,094 voters, 31,60% then). This time, while the PCP could claim that they had increased their popular backing, but they were still quite away from having the upper hand in the Spanish politics, the AN simply suffered a bitter defeat after loosing 600,000 voters, while the PCP had more than doubled theirs. Even worse for Fraga, the PSP, the tamed version of the PSOE led by Tierno Galván, had fared better than even the wildest dreams of the Leftish reformers. Thus, Fraga, after hardly six months as the first prime minister of the "democratic" Spain, was replaced by the charismatic leader of the PCP, Suárez.

Partido de Centro Popular (PCP - Popular Center party) - Adolfo Suárez - 3,850,000 votes - 27.68%
Alianza Nacional (AN - National Union) - Manuel Fraga - 1,467,505 - 10.55%
Partido Socialista Popular (PSP) - Enrique Tierno Galván - 1,233,8170 votes - 8.87%

And something to keep in mind: for the first time since 1936, the Spanish Cortes included Socialist members in its ranks.

Suárez hardly changed the composition of the cabinet, just reversing the roles as the PCP was the main force. He went as far as to suggest having a "National Government" that included the PSP of Tierno, but Fraga and Alfonso XIV did not want to hear about that, so Suárez had to deal, as Fraga did, with a minority government that pushed ahead the reforms through a combination of good political skills, good will from the oposition and quite a bit of luck.

By September 1978 it was clear that a deep reform in the LAP. The strikes had turned into violent clashes between strikers and the security forces and the damage that the strikes caused upon the economy and the international standing of Spain was taking its toll. So, Alfonso XIV, feeling that his hand was forced, stop vetoing the reform, that this time included both the PSOE and the PCE. The turmoil that it caused among the most conservative part of the Spanish society, as the reader can guess, was almost as big as the one caused by the lack of reforms, so Spain, for a while, remained unpeacefully calm.

October, 5th, 1978 was a fine day. Sunny and without clouds, it was considered a good augury for the return of the PSOE of Felipe González to the political arena. Two weeks later was the turn of the PCE of Santiago Carrillo, and this two facts marked a step reduction in the strikes, which improed slightly the economy of the country, but increased the worries of the bunker pro-Alfonso. Meanwhile, the AN of Fraga was reinforced when smaller political formations joined it, such as Silva's Acción Democrática Española (ADE) and the Federación de la Democracia Cristiana, even if its leaders, José María Gil Robles, withdrew from politics after having failed to achieve a meaningful result in the two elections. On its part, Suárez's PCP was reinforced when the Federación de Partidos Demócratas y Liberales (PDL) merged into their ranks.

In Catalonia an old Catalanist party, Unió Democràtica de Catalunya (UDC - Democratic Union of Catalonia), that existed from 1931 to 1939, returned to life on late October 1978 led by Miquel Coll i Alentorn. Due to its centrist positions, would enter into conflict with the Catalan branch of Suárez's PCP, which was reinforced by the arrival several Catalan politicians (Jordi Pujol among them).

Another "old" new party returned to life. It was the Partido Nacionalista Vasco (PNV - Nationalist Vasque Party) - appeared for the first time in an electoral process since 1936. The death of its leader, Juan de Ajuriaguerra, in August 25th, had wrecked havoc among its ranks, already weakeaned by the long dictatorship, and the new president, Carlos Garaikoetxea, had to deal with resulting mess. In any case, the party returned to life and Garaikoetxea promised to be the new beginning ofthe PNV. Herri Batasuna (Popular Unity, HB), a far-left Basque nationalist political party with a deep connection with ETA, was excluded from the LAP.

Finally, the Francoist remnant that had Falange in its center, formed a new party, the Partido de los Trabajadores Españoles (PTE - Spanish Worker's Party), with Girón at its helm, and the Carlists had, too, its own party: the Partido Carlista (PC Carlist party), leld by no one else than Carlos Hugo de Borbón-Parma.

Thus, Suárez, with the return of UDC and the PNV, had to face the endless trouble of the Catalan and Basque nationalisms, with an angered Alfonso XIV that was adamant at keeping Spain together and furious because he had given too much with the reforms. This split between the prime minister and the king was to play its own role in the future events that were to unfold in the following months, specially when Suárez had to face a difficult problem: how to get rid of the post-Francoist structure with its consent.
 
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