Make the K class good

It's possible that this ought to be in ASB.

Your mission, should you choose to accept it is to make the British K class submarines successful enough that the idea is taken up by the RN generally before WW2. Thus, steam powered submarines will be more widely used, at least in the RN. I don’t expect lead paint to be consumed rather than put on the hull. The speed and the plant are to be kept, and of course, stay within tech limits of the time. You may assume that K1 has thorough testing done to find out major issues so that they can be rectified for followup ships.
 
There were two big issues with the K class
1. Steam power in a submarine is a bad idea.
2. The intended tactical use (and so the ideas driving the design irrespective of the power plant) was flawed in WW1. High speed submarines operating with the grand fleet would either lead to them being fired on and sunk by the grand fleet or RN restraint in attacking submarines meaning German submarines were more likely to be successful in their attacks.

The intended tactical role also makes the use of steam engines even less desirable as operating close to enemy surface ships necessitates a very fast crash dive, which is a problem with the large air intakes needed for steam power

Even with diesel engines (or asb steam engines) the second issue means they won't be a success in their intended role. Communications and identification technology just weren't good enough until much later. This is why the concept was largely unsuccessful, except possibly in the Pacific where the theatre was large enough that clear separation between battlefleet and submarines could be achieved while the submarines could still be effective against the enemy fleet.
 
I think the K class was ahead of their time technically, so the things they were being asked to do were not quite possible with the technology of the day.

The K class had stability problems because of their length, but they were only 28 feet longer than a 1940s Gato class submarine. The Japanese had subs that were longer in the 1930s.

The amount of vents that had to be closed to dive was large, but other subs have vents too.

The cool down period for the boilers before diving was an inherent problem with the design, but they did have a work around by shutting down the steam system and running the diesels for a while before diving. It did not lend itself to emergency diving, but it did work.

The Battle of May Island was not really the fault of the submarines.
 
If a squadron of K class subs had even once been able to get into position such that the High Seas Fleet ran over top of them and was subject to a volley of torpedoes, then they would have done their job, and would be viewed as a success.
 
The Battle of May Island was not really the fault of the submarines.

I considered that to be doctrinal fault. Something that is (Technically) easy to fix.

I figured a high speed submarine is very attractive. Dive time is a problem, yes, but a lot of subs in that day had long dive times, so that's not an idea killer to my mind.
 
Wikipedia says the last boat, K26, had incremental improvements that solved some of the worst problems.
The last, improved, boat, K26was completed slowly, being commissioned in 1923. She had six 21-inch (530 mm) bow torpedo tubes but retained the 18-inch beam tubes. Her higher casing almost cured the problems of seawater entering the boiler room, and improved ballast tank arrangements cut the diving time to 3 minutes 12 seconds to get to 80 feet (24 m). She also had an increased maximum diving depth of 250 feet (76 m).
 
Wikipedia says the last boat, K26, had incremental improvements that solved some of the worst problems.
My Grandad served on her. Had they all been built with her refinements and with the engines of the M class submarine monitors they wouldn't have been bad boats, though still unsuitable for the RN's needs. They're deep ocean boats, even if that's not their intended role, not suited for the North Sea or Mediterranean.
 
My Grandad served on her. Had they all been built with her refinements and with the engines of the M class submarine monitors they wouldn't have been bad boats, though still unsuitable for the RN's needs. They're deep ocean boats, even if that's not their intended role, not suited for the North Sea or Mediterranean.

So, perhaps better for the Japanese navy? Reading about them evokes a certain horror, but submarines were still very much in their infancy. The biggest hurdle seemed to be doctrinal.
 
Thoughts:
  1. They need to calm down with the requirements. For the intended role the high speed is mandatory, but do you really need 3 deck guns including one of them for AA use?
  2. While I'm at it, adding deck-mounted torpedo tubes as well is just nuts. Give them the biggest bow salvo you can and call it a day. 10 torpedo tubes of which only 4 can fire in any one direction: is this a fortress or a warship?
  3. Push back on the speed requirement. Do you really need 24 knots when the Grand Fleet is doing 21 and if the High Seas Fleet bring their pre-Dreadnoughts they're limited to 19. Dropping the speed requirement to 21 knots means you can go for a shorter and fatter (more cylindrical really) hull with the same installed power which avoids some of the control problems they had.
  4. Following on from this, the whole thing needs to go on a diet - if you don't need something get rid of it. They're just too big and complex for what they're being asked to do and the available technology of the time.
  5. Folding funnels and the added complexity that comes with them is just asking for trouble. Build them into the aft part of the sail and ideally make them free-flooding and self-draining when you surface.
Something like the attached would be a good start - cut down and simplified a bit but still recognisably a K-class and therefore still a bit of a deathtrap.
 

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OK, now for the harder task of making them look good. Realistically there's only once chance in the war to do this, and that's Jutland - requiring them to be available earlier than OTL and to be deployed with 5th Battle Squadron. Big ask, but it's a big challenge.
  1. K-class is redesigned as I suggested above, but with the caveat that they retain the requirement for 24 knots surfaced from OTL. Instead of being delayed by the J-class being ordered and then proving not fast enough, they're ordered in parallel and enter service in 1915.
  2. When they reach the Grand Fleet they're formed into a submarine flotilla attached to the 5th Battle Squadron, being too slow for the Battle Cruiser Force and a bit faster than the rest of the Grand Fleet.
  3. This means they're present for the Run to the South, and sight the High Seas Fleet at the same time as the rest of the BCF. That puts 4 submarines (implied 32 x 18" torpedoes in the revised design, each with a range of 2,500 yards) on the surface ahead of them, approximately 10,000 yards off their planned track.
  4. British submarine commanders of the time are pretty aggressive, and they've literally got their assigned target in front of them. It's reasonable to believe they would turn to get in front of the HSF and try to get in position before submerging and attempting to engage.
  5. Pommern in OTL was hit and sunk by one or two 21" torpedo hits. That's a bigger warhead, but not radically so (230kg .vs. 150kg) so we can infer any ship hit by these is in trouble.
  6. This is going to take place at about 17.00, so the Grand Fleet is still ~30 NM away and heading towards the action. Scheer still doesn't suspect his presence.
  7. Assume the 32 torpedoes achieve 2-3 hits on different dreadnoughts, leaving them unable to steam at full speed. HSF is reduced to ~10 knots, and turns south for home.
  8. The Grand Fleet can't make contact until after dark, and Scheer is ~24 hours from the Jade. Assuming that Jellicoe doesn't lose contact in the night (bit of a big ask because Beattie's gonna Beattie), you're set up for a Trafalgar-esque clash the following morning. For bonus points, have the K-class follow the HSF on the surface through the night and provide accurate sighting reports to Evans-Thomas and thence to Jellicoe.
Even if they achieve nothing but the Battle of May Island for the rest of the war, their critical role in a crushing victory at Jutland will preserve the place of fast fleet submarines in the RN. That means the OTL River class would be steam powered to achieve very high surface speeds, even if they probably would only be a handful of boats like OTL.
 
It's possible that this ought to be in ASB.
It had only need to mindfuck Winston Churchill but if you had that opportunity why tackle the K Class.

Your mission, should you choose to accept it is to make the British K class submarines successful enough that the idea is taken up by the RN generally before WW2. Thus, steam powered submarines will be more widely used, at least in the RN. I don’t expect lead paint to be consumed rather than put on the hull. The speed and the plant are to be kept, and of course, stay within tech limits of the time. You may assume that K1 has thorough testing done to find out major issues so that they can be rectified for followup ships.

The RN and other navies persisted with the Fleet Submarine into the 1930's. The RN wanted 20 River Class (Thames class) subs in the 1930's but the limits of the LoN Treaty meant that the original concept of the K Class couldn't be filled. Perhaps series production of K-26 could replace the Odin, Parthian and Rainbow class subs of the late 20's and early 30's.

Norman Friedman is complementary of the K Class in his "British Submarines in Two World Wars"

The Origin of the K Class:

The Fast Submarine In July 1913, First Lord Winston Churchill wrote a Minute introducing a third submarine category, which he called the ocean submarine. The overseas submarine would be an effective blockader, but the ocean submarine would be ‘a decisive weapon of battle and as such must count in partial substitution of battleship strength’. Churchill was then finding it more and more difficult to pay for battleships being built to compete with the Germans. He faced further problems as the Germans’ ally Austria was beginning a major naval programme and Italy was nominally also a German ally. Churchill was being forced to pull British battleships out of the Mediterranean to maintain the balance in home waters. He saw big submarines as an affordable way of maintaining British power there.​
The ocean submarine had to be fast enough to overhaul a battle fleet so that it could be sure of getting ahead to dive and to attack. He considered 24 knots fast enough. The big submarines would cruise under escort but would fight alone, guided by other ships to the point of attack. Armament would be limited to anti-aircraft guns and torpedoes, including four 21in beam tubes (if possible capable of firing on either side) and at least one bow and one stern tube, with four reloads for each. Churchill imagined organising these craft in flotillas of three or four submarines plus two light cruisers, one set up as a seagoing depot ship and the other carrying three seaplanes for scouting. He wanted four such flotillas created, stationed in the North Sea and in the Mediterranean, the channels from their bases deep enough that they could leave port submerged. Cromarty, Gibraltar and Malta were all suitable. In July, Churchill wrote that one of his flotillas should be considered equal ‘as a decisive fighting unit’ to a first-class battleship or cruiser. If that were true and if the flotilla was really far less expensive than a battleship, he could have the equivalent of the desired 60 per cent margin over the Germans at an affordable price.​

Writing to Fisher on 13 August, Churchill pointed out that any submarine which was considered a partial substitute for battleship strength had to have sufficient strategic (i.e., sustained) speed to overhaul or evade a battle fleet.

The idea of a very fast submarine was not entirely new. Churchill probably got it from Admiral Fisher, who was his main unofficial naval advisor. Fisher in turn may have had it from Admiral Jellicoe, who by 1911 was espousing what he called a Submarine Destroyer. The name indicated a torpedo craft fast enough to participate in a fleet action, having accompanied the fleet to sea. The usual 20 knots was not enough, because although a submarine might steam with the fleet, it could not manoeuvre into position to attack enemy surface ships. At best it could occupy a position position into which the fleet might lead the enemy. Jellicoe’s early interest in fleet submarines helps explain his concern after 1914 that the Germans would lead his fleet over their waiting submarines. The idea seems never to have been tested in manoeuvres, although submarines certainly did show that they could engage capital ships.​

After the 'battle' of May Island

The ‘K’ class have generally been considered grotesque failures, proofs that the very idea of close support by fast submarines was defective. That is probably why Churchill did not take credit for them the way he did for the Queen Elizabeth-class battleships and the Arethusa-class cruisers in his The World Crisis. The great proof of failure is generally taken as the 31 January 1918 ‘Battle of May Island’, a disastrous fleet exercise in which both K 4 and K 17 were sunk by collision. As nine ‘K’-class submarines proceeded to sea, they encountered minesweepers which had not been informed of the sortie. K 14 jammed her helm trying to evade and K 22 rammed her. She was soon rammed by the battlecruiser Inflexible. In the confusion which followed, the light cruiser Fearless rammed K 17 and K 6 rammed K 4; K 4 was rammed again by K 7. Not surprisingly, K 17 and K 4 sank, although K 14 survived. The total cost was 103 men. K 1 was also sunk by collision on 17 November 1917. K 13 foundered in the Gareloch on 29 January 1917 while running trials.​
After the ‘Battle of May Island’ a wag wrote that the ‘K’ class had the speed of a destroyer, the turning circle of a battlecruiser and the bridge control facilities of a picket boat. This was exaggerated, but the lack of bridge facilities – which meant means of maintaining situational awareness – was real. The disaster reflected a wider problem. It does not appear that any officers understood just how difficult it would be to manage a complex fleet without constant communication and also without constant verification of where ships were in relation to each other. In many ways Jutland demonstrated the problem, but it was not well understood until after the war. A fleet running at night without lights and with very little inter-communication invited disaster. It was not that the idea of direct support by submarines was disproven, but rather that a great deal had to be done to make it work. Other major navies were also much interested in direct support or at least in using submarines in conjunction with surface forces, but given a combination of poor situational awareness and poor communication that was impossible at the time. Admiral Jellicoe’s recurring fear that the Germans would lure him into a submarine ambush was another form of the same idea (and the Germans had much the same fear when confronting the British). Without good communications and good shared situational awareness this too was essentially impossible.​

A view of one of the commanders:

A contemporary view was given by Captain Little, who commanded the ‘K’-boats in the Grand Fleet, in 1917 in a discussion with a US submarine officer. Little considered the means of handling funnels and ventilation safe and reliable, ‘though it is understood that one submarine of this class sank due to improper closing of some valve’. He considered the boilers and steam plant similar to those of a destroyer, the boilers being enclosed to keep heat from other parts of the boat and also to keep the boiler warm while the submarine submerged, so that as little time as possible would be spent getting up steam again once the submarine surfaced. In view of the large size (i.e., poor manoeuvrability) of the ‘K’ class, Little considered it essential that the boat should be heading parallel with the enemy (using her broadside tubes) when within 2000 yards.​

After the 'battle' more K class were ordered. For the design:

Captain C J C Little (same above) ended a four-page list of proposals with the comment that ‘we [the officers of the flotilla] are all agreed that the present ‘K’ class design having been carried out without practical trial is a great achievement. The slow flooding of the external ballast tanks due to their disposition is their chief drawback. With the present experience embodied the new type will contain enormous possibilities.’ Little’s comments give some idea of experience with the ‘Ks’.​

The post war technical view, note that the RN and other navies kept a strong interest in Fleet Submarines.

The October 1921 Admiralty Technical History of British wartime submarines was very complimentary to the ‘K’ class, pointing out that in September 1918 two ‘K’-boats overtook the Grand Fleet, which was hove-to in a heavy north-west gale by the North Dogger Bank. ‘The boats are undoubtedly better than their designers expected. In P.Z. exercises with the Grand Fleet . . . they were able each time to close within torpedo range of their objects, showing that an action with the High Seas Fleet would have in all probability given them a great opportunity.’ The ‘K’ class ‘showed that we could confidently produce a successful boat of any size and specification asked for and that we have long passed the stage of experimental production’. The requirements quoted were a surface speed of 23 knots, to dive in five minutes, to dive (i.e., to remain submerged) for six hours and to be seaworthy on the high seas. All of these requirements were exceeded.
 
The Ks seem to be an example of the principle that many people abuse figures of the past, particularly the military, for being hidebound and then also criticise them for the many times when they pushed the boundaries of technology.
 
A flotilla of the WW2 era versions might have been handy in the Indian Ocean when the Japanese fleet came to visit.
Or for that matter for attacking convoys around the Pacific. The good Japanese night fighting training would present a risk when travelling on the surface at night, though without radar they'd have reasonable odds, but the poor Japanese ASW practices would give them a reasonable chance of survival once submerged.
 
Your mission, should you choose to accept it is to make the British K class submarines successful enough that the idea is taken up by the RN generally before WW2
Actually that’s pretty easy.

The K Class design was originally created in spring of 1913 but was delayed because the Admiralty wanted to first finish evaluating Nautilus and Swordfish. Then in 1915 when it became obvious that the J class were not fast enough the design was proceeded with.

Instead, have it be proceeded with in 1913. The pre-war standard for submarines was to have the first of a class ordered a year or so before the rest to work out issues. Since they were a wartime expedient this didn’t happen for the K class. But if the first is ordered in 1913 it will probably be in service and possibly trialled before the war breaks out. Then have the revised design (K-26) be the production version. If these are ordered in 1914 they should be in service in some numbers by 1915 and will be available for Jutland in 1916. As mentioned by @pdf27 they could make a good contribution to the battle. Particularly if they are armed with 21 inch torpedoes as was originally planned.

Thus, steam powered submarines will be more widely used, at least in the RN
It should be noted that the use of steam was because it was the only way to get the speed required with the technology of the day. Diesel was the preferred option for submarines but the engines available (at least to the British) were not up to those kind of speeds. Once they are, the RN will likely shift to diesel, which even in 1915 was more efficient fuel wise.

It’s actually possible that this could have happened in 1913 if the British had had better diesel engines. The British boats were actually generally considered superior to German designs except for the engines. The Vickers engine used in the J class was the same design that had first been used in the D class, just with more cylinders and some detail improvements. It produced about 100 hp per cylinder. Some German engines produced 300 hp/cylinder. Had the British had access to better engines, it’s possible that the K class’ requirements could have been met by a diesel design in 1915. Or, more likely, that the J class would have been a different, faster design that would have preempted the K class entirely.

Norman Friedman is complementary of the K Class
David Brown is pretty positive on them as well. He points out their flaws but tends to view them as good designs that just needed their problems worked out prior to service. He points out that their role remained in the fleet for some time after. Not vice less but often unfairly maligned.

The lawn darts of the sea? That's a tall order.
I have to say, I like Drach’s videos but sometimes I feel like he will present the popular understanding of a ship or class without a much deeper dive. I was a little disappointed with that video.
 
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On the subject of larger subs, John French on the Battlecruisers board has posted some interesting info on what he dubbed 'Battlesubs'


Post 40

In 1913, Fisher became seriously interested in the gun armed submarine concept the Russians were reported to be considering. By 1915 this had manifested itself as the M class submarine concept with its single 12-inch gun. However, this submarine design was only a proof of concept prototype. Fisher had Vickers working on a refined follow up design plus a second design which more resembled submersible LLC’s in concept with four 12-inch guns in two twin turrets and a surface speed of 25 knots.

Design-747.jpg


Design-745.jpg






As I understand it, the short 24 calibre 12-inch guns in both designs retract fully into the gun house/ turret on diving with the gunports made watertight by hinged armoured hemispherical hatches. This allows the guns to be reloaded while submerged.

Leaving the alternate scenario for a moment so as to provide some historical context: Fisher did leave a brief description of how he intended the M class would be used during the war. They would be used to attack the High Seas Fleet units anchored in the Schillig Roads. They would approach the target to whatever range was deemed suitable. Due to the limited horizon of a submarine I can’t see this being any greater than 6,000 yards; and, to ensure accuracy for a high hitting probability, probably a lot less. I presume that being close enough to penetrate belt armour from out beyond whatever booms or net defence were there, taking into account sufficient water depth to fully submerge, were likely some of the factors determining range. The M class submarines would pick out their individual targets through their periscopes, align their bows in the correct direction, surface, take their shot, and immediately crash dive. Fisher states that this operation, from fully submerged, through the attack, to returning to fully submerged could be done in ten seconds by the M class boats. If true, then the enemy ability to effectively respond to this form of attack was limited.

As I understand it, the downside to the M class was their inability to reload their 12-inch guns while submerged meaning that they had to withdraw after firing one shot and surface well away from the enemy to reload before making another attacking approach or withdrawing completely. However, a second attack approach greatly increases the risk to the submarine, while withdrawing after only firing one shot limits the damage to the enemy. The Vickers Design No. 747 (first image above) solves this by allowing the gun to be reloaded while submerged. Allowing repeated attacks in relatively quick succession to maximise damage before the submarine needs to withdraw as the enemy ASW forces begin to respond. Although, with the target mounting a 12-inch gun capable of firing both HE and Shrapnel, the traditional surface based ASW vessels may not be able to achieve anything worthwhile prior to being destroyed. The obvious downside to Design 747 is the short barrel which limits AP performance. However, all this was before Jutland when the British doctrine favoured HE effect over AP performance and it may be that it was never intended to use AP shells; the prototype M Class only using 40 calibre guns as they were readily available.

It appears to me that Design 747 is the direction that Fisher foresaw the standard attack submarine evolving. Its torpedoes could deal with the large ships while its heavy gun could be used to deal with the escorts; which had become the main counter to submarines. With the very low, narrow, and flat target profile of most of the submarine hull, destroyer and torpedo boat gun armament would be ineffective against it while a 12-inch HE or shrapnel shell would be devastating against them. Design No. 745 on the other hand appears to me to be a very different concept to a mere attack submarine. This is the evolutionary route Fisher believed that the surface gun armed capital ship would have to go. By 1915 the concept of the torpedo bomber had arrived and Fisher began to form the opinion that the days of the gun armed surface capital ship were numbered. For these vessels to have any future, they needed to be able to hide from aircraft. Stealth more so than armour would provide the primary line of defence (note; both Designs 747 and 745 have AA guns included as standard – a clear recognition of the main threat to them).

[Before I go any further I need to emphasise that a lot of what I write here regarding these heavy gun armed submarines is my own speculation as records of the thought processes behind these design concepts are slim to non-existent – with the emphasis on non-existent.]

It appears that both these designs originated around about 1915 as there is specification data from about this time regarding Design 745 surviving within the Fisher Papers. As I noted earlier, there is a strong resemblance with the LLC; a warship concept Fisher became very enamoured off due to its operational flexibility and cost effectiveness. Unlike Design 747, Design 745 appears to be designed to fight it out on the surface rather than diving between shots. Her turrets are armoured, she has an armoured conning tower and an armoured deck. To aid in her protection is her very low profile and the fact that most of her hull is below the surface therefore gaining the substantial protection offered by water.

Initially I thought how vulnerable this ship would be to diving shells adopting underwater trajectories and piercing the unarmoured hull. The my brain woke up and I realised that diving shells would never be an issue to a “BattleSub[Hey! I get to invent a designator for a new warship type! – if it catches on☹] as it would not be possible to engage them at a range where diving shells would be a thing. The limited horizon of any submarine ensures that any target in visual range is going to be relatively close; with ranges that ensures any shells fired at the submarine are traveling at relatively flat trajectories. This ensures that shells that fall short are more likely to ricochet over the battlesub rather than do anything else.

I posted recently in another thread (TZoli’s Untakeable’s thread as I recall) describing how Fisher wasn’t the long-range gunnery guru of legend, but actually aimed to sneak as close to an enemy as possible before engaging. The battlesub concept gives him a vessel capable of doing this. With the development of gunnery fire-control technology by 1915, the close-range that battlesubs would have to engage at would make it hard to miss a traditional surface combatant. The battlesub on the other hand, despite the close-range, would be a very difficult target to both hit and damage. The low target profile combined with relatively light armour, that is mostly extremely inclined away from incoming fire, and with the bulk of the battlesubs volume being protected by free water armour suggests that Fisher had finally determined a method that allowed him keep expensive heavy armour to a minimum while providing a level of protection that the most heavily armoured traditional surface combatant couldn’t match. Compared to a typical battleship, a battlesub represents a very cheap gun armed combatant that can be built in large numbers relatively quickly. How effective the battlesub would actually be in combat is open to debate. However, I think that there is some potential there with the “right” design. Whether the necessary technology to produce the “right” design was there in the 1915 to 1920 period is, again, open to debate.

It must be pointed out that Design 745 is a prototype design created to explore the concept and determine the issues that follow-on designs would need to overcome. The follow-on designs would be of considerably greater capability and I suspect that there would be a return to guns capable of effectively using AP shells, and almost certainly guns of greater calibre (an unsolicited design for a battlesub was sent to Fisher in 1919 – it had 8x20-inch guns in four twin turrets). Offhand, even I can think of a method of reloading guns underwater that doesn’t require the guns to be withdrawn completely into a turret for reloading while also providing for sealing the gun ports.

Now there are clear limitations that battlesubs have that traditional surface ships don’t have. However, I suspect that Fisher expected the other part of his “New Concept Fleet” to compensate for these limitations. With the innovative developments in wireless communication Fisher was overseeing in 1915 with the BIR, both the photophone and radio, the prospect of an integrated battlefield appeared to be within Fisher’s grasp. Fisher was always more inclined toward coordinated battle systems rather than individual weapons each doing their own thing. Aviation working in close coordination with submarines would provide Fisher’s “New Concept Fleet” with an integrated battle system where the limitations of individual components are nullified by the advantages provided by all components working in close coordination.

I have mentioned in the past that Fisher (within the BIR) planned a 100 plane torpedo-bomber strike on the High Seas Fleet in Wilhelmshaven in 1915. As no plane could reach Wilhelmshaven with a torpedo from England, Fisher planned to attach hydrogen gasbags to the planes that could lift plane, torpedo and the necessary additional fuel required to allow the raid become possible – effectively a very basic, very cheap and expandable VTO [no L] airship aircraft carrier. I have found no evidence that Fisher had any plans to develop aircraft carriers as we know them today. It is quite likely that the abortive dirigible airship aircraft carriers of the interwar period is the route Fisher would take. Even the temporary blimps with their disposable envelopes described above would allow aircraft strike targets far away from the land bases they launched from. For example, Using Halifax, Bermuda, and Jamaica as bases, even with the primitive aircraft of the period, Fisher’s “Blimp Carrier” concept [again my own designation as there is none that I am aware of for the concept] would put the entirety of the US eastern seaboard in range of Royal Navy airpower. The obvious downside is that the aircraft of the period would not have had enough fuel in their own internal fuel tanks to return to base and would have to ditch and the crews picked up by submarine (or other recovery vessel). However, the aircraft of the time were relatively cheap and if a massed torpedo-bomber strike on Hampton Roads gutted the US Atlantic Fleet, then the loss of the aircraft involved in the operation would, in Fisher’s eyes, have been a price well worth paying.

As Britain had potential bases for launching VTO strikes and combat patrols all around the globe, Britain’s need for traditional aircraft carriers is actually very low. The “Blimp Carrier” could provide a relatively effective and cheap alternative. Land bases aren’t even required as suitable merchant ships could be charted to transport and launch the “Blimp Carrier” squadrons in wartime. An additional advantage of using the “Blimp Carrier” concept is that aircraft performance can be optimised for the strike role without having to sacrifice performance for range and some other normal necessities (e.g. no undercarriage and all associated bits required); the “Blimp Carrier” providing those capabilities. As aircraft technology develops and increased range develops naturally, then at some point the aircraft are no longer necessarily disposable and can return to base on internal fuel following the strike. Again, the practicality of all this is certainly up for debate. Certainly, improving aircraft technology in the 1930’s will lessen the usefulness of “Blimp Carriers”, but between 1915 and 1935 it is a concept that appears to offer much.

Returning to our alternate timeline scenario: Fisher lays down his prototype battlesubs in 1915 (alongside the production version of the attack subs with their single stubby 12-inch guns) and builds them within a year. During their construction, a series of more capable designs are drawn up awaiting trials results from the prototype battlesubs for refinement. The battlesubs enter service in 1916 as Fisher lays down the Incomparable IIa’s. After extensive testing a finalised battlesub design is crafted, likely carrying 4x18-inch or 4x20-inch guns in two twin turrets. At least four are laid down in 1917 instead of the more expensive gun armed surface capital ships. It is likely that there will also be a larger number of smaller “Cruiser Subs” (something similar to design 745 but of greater capability and with more effective 12-inch guns) and a horde of Attack Subs laid down as well. With Germany defeated in 1915, Fisher gets his hands on the secrets of the Zeppelin and a large airship program begins in 1916 alongside a large procurement programme for new aircraft for the Naval Air Service.

The butterflies are swarming at this point. What will the Japanese and US response be? Truthfully, Japan cannot challenge Britain at all and that leaves the US. Will they ignore Britain and focus on Japan? Will they challenge Britain for control of the trident? By 1916 Britain’s pre-dreadnought fleet is gone. The eleven 12-inch gunned dreadnoughts are heading for the scrappers torch but their turrets and guns might be preserved for future LLC construction. Britain has fourteen 13.5-inch ships (the six Excalibur’s in material reserve – one move away from scrapping), eight 30-knot 15-inch gunned battlecruisers, eight 30-knot 16-inch gunned high-speed battleships, and eight of the largest most heavily gunned, fastest and most expensive battleships in existence under construction. There are possibly twenty-one 12-inch LLC’s in commission or under construction: a warship type to which the US have no equivalent or counter. A huge program of heavy gun armed submarines just has just been laid down, and four of them are like nothing ever seen or conceived before and have a heavier broadside than any of the 12-inch gunned US battleships. Then there is the largest aviation procurement program in the world to consider. What does the US have in its design drawer to respond to this with? And! Can they afford it? Also, the US never fought in the war and did not benefit from contact with the Grand Fleet. They never saw inside Britain’s design thinking as they did historically with the plans for Hood and Goodall. They have no combat experience in ASW and, in this reality, have had no access to the submarine detection equipment developed by the BIR.

If I recall correctly, 1916 was the time of the main Tillman design effort. Are any of these designs a worthwhile counter to what the British are building? Are anything from the historic US 1916 program even relevant anymore and, if so, are there enough of them? Fisher is building his behemoth battleships in two years; can the US match this building tempo? Is there anything else in the USN’s suggestions box for this period of use? What will the US response (if any) be to the battlesub?

Imaging this scenario: In the mid-1920’s, a US battleline consisting of Tillman battleships sallies forth to do battle with the Royal Navy surface fleet. Suddenly, at only a few thousand yards distance, Royal Navy battlesubs surface and start punching 20-inch AP shells through the armour belts and into the vitals of the US battleships; AP shells which are followed by a mass salvo of torpedoes from the quad broadside torpedo tubes of the battlesubs. The US escorts alter course to charge the ambushers when British Attack Subs burst from the seas and blast the US light forces with their 12-inch guns at relatively close range. Is this scenario feasible? Can the US surface fleet win, or even just survive, such an encounter: bearing in mind that, just beyond the horizon, there are multiple squadrons of Royal Navy aircraft, both fighters and bombers, just floating in the sky, dangling from their “Blimp Carrier’s”, with their engines switched off, just waiting for orders from the British admiral, surveying the battlefield from his dirigible airship flagship, to jettison their balloons and engage the enemy!

As I said, the feasibility of Fisher’s vision is open to debate; but it sure makes for some very intriguing “what if?” scenarios.
 
That means the OTL River class would be steam powered to achieve very high surface speeds, even if they probably would only be a handful of boats like OTL.
Would 20/30s/WW2 fleet fast subs not be Diesel as it will improve significantly and catch up most of the gap to steam? They are just going to be larger and expensive and not good for treaty tonnage or maybe WW2 Med?
 
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