King George V
Part One, Chapter Twenty-Five: New Beginnings and Old Scores
The marriage of the King not only signalled his impending coming of age, but it also meant a new era had begun at court. The Queen’s Household had been carefully appointed by the Prime Minister and unlike her predecessor, Queen Louise was determined that from the very beginning of her tenure her ladies of the bedchamber should feel welcome in her home. To that end, the Queen proposed to make the Green Drawing Room at Buckingham Palace her own private salon and granted the use of the adjoining Yellow Drawing Room to her ladies. On their first day of service in the Queen’s employ, each of the Queen’s companions were gifted a brooch mounted on a pale lilac ribbon with the initials ‘LR’ in diamonds. As she presented them, the Queen gave a small address to her ladies asking them to “guide her in all things” and she wrote to Lord Melbourne thanking him for “his generosity and kindness in thinking of me in the fine appointments you have made”.
The Green Drawing Room was quickly to become a hive of activity with prominent establishment figures determined to see their wives invited for tea so that they might forge bonds with the new Queen. Invitations to dine flooded in from the best households in London and whilst these had been rejected by her aunt and mother-in-law in the past, the King was insistent that as many as possible be accepted. He also wished the public to see their new Queen as much as possible and to that end, Major Smith was asked to take the lead in making plans for a royal tour. Keen to waste no time however, the King asked for a series of engagements to be scheduled in the capital which would allow the British people the best glimpse possible of his bride. These were to include a visit to Southwark Cathedral and the National Gallery which was to open to the public for the first time in April and which had just become the new home of the Royal Academy of Arts. But the King raised eyebrows when he also suggested a visit to St Katherine’s Docks and Petticoat Lane Market. These were very much working-class areas of the capital known for high rates of crime, disease and poverty.
Petticoat Lane Market in Spitalfields, c. 1890.
Lord John Russell, the Home Secretary, applauded the King for wishing to visit such areas but the Cabinet were divided on the proposal. Lord Cottenham, the Lord Chancellor, likened royal visits to such areas as “trying to stage a ballet in a bear garden” whilst the Foreign Secretary, Lord Palmerston, raised concerns that Spitalfields was “a breeding ground for prostitutes rife with disease, radical working men and packed to the rafters with foreign assassins”. But Lord Melbourne was inclined to support the King; “If His Majesty cannot visit the poorer parts of the capital, the message sent out to the people is that he is King only in the better areas or worse still, that this government cannot keep His Majesty safe when he walks among his people. Whilst I share the reservations of my colleagues in Cabinet, I believe His Majesty should be applauded for this venture which I have little doubt shall prove an enormous success with the public”. But Melbourne had an ulterior motive.
He instructed his private secretary to ensure that he was present during the royal visits to St Katherine’s Docks and Spitalfields, believing that appearing with the King and Queen in poorer areas of London would provide a boost to his election campaign. The King was somewhat naïve in not seeing Melbourne’s approval of his proposed visits for what they truly were, and some Tories and Unionists responded in the House of Commons with criticism of the Prime Minister “using the Crown for personal political gain”. When these comments reached Buckingham Palace, the King was advised to postpone his visits to St Katherine’s Docks and Spitalfields until after the general election the following month which irritated the King and for the first time, he admonished Lord Melbourne at their private audience. Melbourne was taken aback, promising not to join the royal couple on their scheduled visits and apologising for his lack of tact. He recorded in his journal that he felt; “Both ashamed of the instance but proud that the young King exerted his authority, quite properly, with no sense of arrogance or hauteur but a desire only to correct me for something I should never have allowed myself to consider in the first place”.
On the 13th of January 1838, news came that the former Prime Minister Lord Eldon had died at his home in Hamilton Place at the age of 86. Lord Eldon had been a great friend and ally to the King’s father, it had been Eldon after all who had secured the annulment of George IV’s first marriage to Princess Frederica of Prussia enabling his second marriage to Luise of Hesse-Kassel. Unusually, King George V indicated that he would personally attend Lord Eldon’s funeral which was to be held in Kingston, Dorset. The Queen would not accompany her husband to the ceremony as she had not met Lord Eldon but it was decided that she should go to Dorset with the King and that this county would have the honour of seeing the Queen make her first solo public engagement. Weymouth was selected as the ideal venue for such a visit given that the resort owed much of it’s attraction to it’s royal connections. The King’s uncle, the late Duke of Gloucester, had built a grand residence on the seafront known as Gloucester Lodge and King George III had holidayed at Weymouth even venturing into the sea in a bathing machine. Gloucester Lodge was still owned by the late Duke of Gloucester’s widow, Princess Mary.
John Scott, 1st Earl of Eldon.
The Duchess of Gloucester was delighted to play hostess to her new niece-in-law. She was even more delighted when news came that the Queen Mother would not be accompanying Queen Louise because she had caught a chill and had been instructed to rest by her physician. The Duchess of Gloucester seized the opportunity and invited her sisters Princess Augusta and Princess Sophia to join her at Gloucester Lodge, thus making for a happy “ladies only” gathering. It was the first time the King’s aunts were able to get to know the new Queen without the shadow of the Queen Mother hovering in the background. Queen Louise’s visit to Weymouth was reported in the national and local press where it was announced that Her Majesty would “officially open the newly built Guildhall, a fine example of modern architecture so recently completed by Talbot Bury” and where she would “join Her Royal Highness the Duchess of Gloucester and her sisters, the Royal Princesses, in unveiling a memorial clock tower on the esplanade erected in the memory of the late Duke of Gloucester who so loved Weymouth and its people”.
From Weymouth, the Queen would be reunited with the King at Encombe House, the country seat of the Earls of Eldon and now inherited by Lord Eldon’s son, the 3rd Earl of Eldon, before the couple moved on to Highcliffe Castle, the home of Baron Stuart de Rothesay, the former British Ambassador to France. Lord Stuart had built Highcliffe between 1831 and 1835 and it had gained a reputation as one of the most beautiful country houses in England with gardens laid out by Capability Brown which offered a stunning vista of the Isle of Wight and The Needles. The honour of hosting the royal couple enthused the county except for Lord Digby who felt aggrieved that the King and Queen had accepted the invitation of the Stuarts and had declined his offer to host them at Sherborne; “His Majesty’s late grandfather paid us the compliment in 1789”, he wrote in his diary, “And it is sad to think that dear Sherborne is to be neglected so”.
On the 21st of January 1838, the King and Queen set out for Dorset, spending one night at an inn in Southampton where they checked in as “Mr and Mrs King”. The innkeepers had no idea that their guests were actually King George V and Queen Louise and in later years, the King would happily relate how the furious innkeepers wife woke them up by hammering on the bedroom door to tell them that they had yet to pay for breakfast and she wouldn’t serve it to them until they did. She was suitably stunned when the King handed her a pound note, then the equivalent of a week’s wages for the working class Georgian. From Southampton it was on to Dorset where the King and Queen parted ways, the King heading to Encombe and the Queen to Gloucester Lodge where she was cheerfully welcomed by the Duchess of Gloucester.
As the King attended the funeral of Lord Eldon at St James’ Church in Kingston, Queen Louise descended the steps of Gloucester Lodge accompanied by the three princesses and the Duchess of Sutherland. The crowds were said to have numbered well into the thousands with every possible spot seized by eager locals and tourists alike to get a glimpse of the new Queen. Bunting had been placed on every store front, Union flags were waving the sea breeze and a local brass band was on hand to play the national anthem as the royal party climbed into their carriages to make their way to the Guildhall where they would be met by the Mayor and other important local dignitaries. 8 year old Pamela Willis had been selected to present the Queen with a posy of flowers but was overcome by nerves and burst into tears the moment the Queen approached. Without hesitation, the Queen crouched before Pamela and wiped away her tears, taking a flower from the posy and gifting to her. The tears ceased and the crowd applauded and cheered their approval.
Princess Mary, Duchess of Gloucester and Edinburgh.
After a lunch at the new Guildhall, the Queen cut a ribbon and unveiled a plaque to commemorate her visit. As the royal party left and prepared to return in their carriages to the esplanade for the statue unveiling, it became apparent that one of the horses had no intention of making the journey and refused to be moved. “Oh dear”, Queen Louise said brightly, “It does not matter, I am sure the Mayor will accompany us on foot”. Grinning from ear to ear, the Mayor of Weymouth George Oakley, dashed forward in his ceremonial attire and offered his arm to the Queen and together, the royal party made the short journey back along the Esplanade, waving to the crowds as they passed. They stopped briefly to lay flowers at the statue of King George III before moving to Westham Road where the statue of the late Duke of Gloucester stood covered with a red velvet curtain.
Just as the royal party arrived, there was confusion when an elderly lady rushed forward from the crowd with her arms outstretched towards the Queen. “I am the Duchess of Dorset”, the elderly lady cried out, “I have come to see the Queen!”. Whilst those around her panicked, Queen Louise simply walked over to the elderly lady and took her hand. “It is very nice to see you Your Grace”, she said, “Might I ask you to go with this man who will find you something to eat?”. The lady was led away smiling. It was later reported that she had recently escaped from the Dorset County Lunatic Asylum at Forston House.
The accounts of the Queen’s visit to Weymouth spread from town to town via newspapers, magazines and journals. Those fortunate enough to see the Queen were asked to recount every detail of their encounter and the reports of Her Majesty’s conduct made her an instant favourite with the general public. Senior courtiers were delighted with the success of the visit but one or two remarked that the Queen Mother had initially shown great promise and popularity in the early days of her marriage. A footnote in one newspaper gave slight cause for concern too. As the Queen left Weymouth for Encombe House, a small group in Radipole Park Gardens had been noticed holding anti-monarchy banners. They were said to be “disaffected radicals” who were handing out printed pamphlets which were “deeply unpatriotic and offensive to Their Majesties” but the newspaper reassured its readers that “this sour bunch did nothing to infringe upon the happiness of the people of Weymouth and they certainly caused no offense to Her Majesty the Queen”. The group belonged to the South West Working Men’s Association, a branch of a national protest movement which had been dubbed the Chartists.
The Chartists had their roots among the working classes who felt betrayed by the Whig government. They believed that the Reform Act and the Poor Law Amendment had served to alienate the poorest in society from the relief they needed and that far from being more enfranchised, the working classes had been pushed further away from shaping the future of the country by a growing middle class. In 1836, William Lovett and Henry Hetherington founded the London Working Men’s Association which had quickly seen branches pop up across Middlesex and then into other counties where at public meetings, members gave speeches on worker’s rights and the need for electoral reform. All associations under the umbrella of the WMA signed up to a list of demands they wished to see implemented, a list known as the People’s Charter – hence the nickname ‘Chartists’. This charter called for a vote for every man over the age of 21 regardless of whether they owned property or not, a secret ballot to protect electors in the exercise of their vote, no property qualification for MPs, equal sized constituencies for fairer representation and annual parliamentary elections to prevent bribery, intimidation and corruption. Their sixth and final demand was that these rights should be incorporated into a codified constitution which could only be changed through a public referendum. [1]
A bill from the 1840s calling on Chartists to attend a demonstration at Kennington Common, London.
The majority of Chartists were members of other “radical associations” who migrated to the movement because it was far better organised. Large scale meetings were held in Birmingham, Glasgow and Lancashire but resolutions that had been passed, or speeches given by prominent supporters such as Joseph Rayner Stephens were recorded in a Chartist newspaper, the Charter and Star. John Bates, a Chartist activist, said of the movement; “There were radical associations all over the county but there was a lack of cohesion. One wanted the ballot, another manhood suffrage and so on. When the People’s Charter was drawn up it clearly defined the urgent demands of the working class. We felt we had a real bond of union”. [2] There was still divergence in the aims of some groups however most were anti-monarchist and in these early days of the movement, royal visits where lots of people they felt might be receptive to the goals of the People’s Charter gathered proved to be popular meeting points for protestors. Chartism was in its infancy but over the next decade, it would become a permanent fixture in Britain and would make its presence felt throughout every corner of the country.
The King and Queen settled for a few days at Encombe House before moving on to the second leg of their trip to Dorset. At Highcliffe, the couple walked in the gardens together and the Queen told her husband how much she had enjoyed her trip to the South West. “I should like to come here often”, she said, “Might we holiday here Georgie?”. The King was delighted to see his wife so happy and content. They began to discuss the possibility of taking a house in the area to use as a permanent holiday home away from London and Windsor but curiously, both had the same vision that it would not be a luxurious palace or great country estate. Rather, they wished a modest residence free from the grandeur of their position where they could be “Mr and Mrs King” together. The King inquired of his host, Lord Stuart de Rothesay, if he knew of any such properties in the vicinity. Fortunately, Lord Stuart knew of the perfect location. Ironically named Broadwindsor, a 15,000-acre estate was currently on the market but had proved a hard sell because the existing property had been demolished the previous year and the asking price was deemed far too high simply for the land alone. The King asked Major Smith to dispatch an agent to the estate to report on its suitability.
Meanwhile, the Queen Mother was recovered from her chill and was receiving visitors at Marlborough House. She was less pleased by the news reports from Dorset and wrote a strongly worded letter to her niece that she “must never be seen to mix too freely with the working people for they take advantage and demand more and more of one’s time. I was grieved too that you saw fit to accept invitations from those who contribute so little and only invited you to their homes to elevate their position in society; society being that thing which we deplore for its immorality and lack of deference. You must not regard such people as friends, rather they are as barnacles attaching themselves to stately ships hoping to travel great distances but who ultimately sink those who carried them so far”.
She was even less impressed to hear that the King had sent an agent to Broadwindsor. After all, she had been tasked with finding a suitable royal residence by the Duke of Cambridge and her brief was very different to that of the King and Queen. The Queen Mother was quickly discovering just how marriage had given her son a taste of independence and with access to his personal fortune just months away, she feared that his plans for a “modest” residence at Broadwindsor would not only be regarded as a personal indulgence but furthermore, did not seem to feature plans for the Queen Mother to join the couple there.
As she ruminated on how to protect her interests, the Queen Mother’s day was interrupted by the arrival of Count Medem. Shortly to return to Russia, he had finally received word from St Petersburg that the Tsar was willing to put the idea of a marriage between the Tsarevich and Princess Charlotte Louise on an official “to be negotiated” footing. He was not the only ruler entering talks on matching dynasty to dynasty. In Brussels, King Leopold finally had word from Baron Stockmar in Rio de Janeiro. The Marquis of Olinda had reacted favourably to the possibility of Princess Januária of Brazil marrying Prince Albert but there were issues which needed to be resolved before formal talks were opened. Olinda had heard good reports about Prince Albert and believed he would be a true asset to the Imperial Family. If Princess Januária was to be declared regent when Olinda retired, he could see the benefit of having someone like Prince Albert by her side. Brazil had also seen many Belgians relocate to colonies in Southern Brazil following independence in 1822 and the links between the Coburgs and the Braganzas had thus far proved enormously popular in Portugal.
But there were stumbling blocks. Princess Januária was deeply devout and whilst Olinda was certain that the Vatican would agree to a papal dispensation along the lines of that which had secured the King of Belgium’s second marriage, it was unlikely that the Imperial Family would welcome a member of the Lutheran Evangelical Church into their ranks even if any children born of the marriage were raised Roman Catholic. Secondly, there was ongoing debate in Brazil as to what should happen with the regency for Pedro II. Fuelled by disputes between rival factions, some wished the age of majority to be lowered so that the Emperor could assume full powers to unite the country and put an end to republican sentiments and local rebellions between political groups. Whilst this would mean that Princess Januária would not become regent as Olinda favoured, until the marriage of the Emperor and the birth of his first child, she was heir to the throne. If the worst happened, Januária could be propelled to the role of Empress at any time and in such a case, the Brazilian people might object to her consort being a foreign stranger who might be seen more as a puppet of his uncle rather than being truly committed to the nation of Brazil. [3] King Leopold would now have to make a decision once and for all; allow Albert to wait and pursue Princess Charlotte Louise or open formal negotiations for a marriage contract between Albert and Princess Januária. Either way, the Prince himself would learn his fate by letter whilst studying at Bonn.
The Tsarevich of Russia.
In London, the Queen Mother knew nothing of these talks beyond the fact that King Leopold had asked Stockmar to investigate the possibility of a match between Prince Albert and Princess Januária. She had committed to her lie however that the match had been agreed and that an engagement would soon be announced, something she now passed on to Count Medem. It was little more than gossip exchanged as Medem brought the subject round to marriage but she unwittingly gave Medem the confidence to press the Russian interest as he could now report to the Tsar that rumours that Prince Albert of Saxe-Coburg and Gotha was poised to propose to the King’s sister were unfounded. It was with this knowledge that he finally put the Tsar’s interest to the Queen Mother. The Tsarevich was to tour Europe later in the year and was hoping to be present for the coronation of King George. Whilst in London, the Tsarevich hoped to meet Princess Charlotte Louise and if he liked her, the Tsar would then approach the British government to open talks on what such a marriage would mean for the future of Anglo-Russian relations.
The Queen Mother was stunned. It was the first she had heard of the Russian interest in her daughter and very little escaped her where such matters were concerned. But she did not dismiss the matter as out of hand. Politics aside, there were advantages to having a daughter in such a position. The Romanovs were extremely wealthy for one thing and for another, most of the Tsar’s siblings had married German princesses whom the Queen Mother was either related to or had known in childhood. It would mean that her daughter would come to outrank her as in the fullness of time Charlotte Louise might find herself Empress of Russia but on the other hand, Russia was as far away from Britain as it was possible to get. Breaking the bonds between brother and sister might give the Queen Mother a much better chance of exerting influence over her son and whilst the King had expressed a wish that his sister marry Prince Albert and settle close to him in England, he could hardly deny that marriage to the Russian Tsarevich had far more opportunity and comfort than with a junior prince from a small and not particularly important German duchy.
But the Queen Mother had not yet ruled out a match between her daughter and her nephew, Prince George of Cambridge as a last resort if the matter could not be settled before the King turned 18 and insisted that his sister not leave the country. The Queen Mother thanked Medem for visiting her and promised to think on the matter, she might even consult the Prime Minister or the Foreign Secretary. But she did not promise to consult her daughter or her son for that matter. For Charlotte Louise and Prince Albert, time was running out. Both had just a few months to wait before the King could approve their marriage and in those few months, one or both of them might find themselves engaged to someone else. Whether it be Russia or Brazil, the distance put between them would destroy any hopes of a continued friendship let alone the end of their romance. The Duke of Cambridge had already been approached by Medem on the Russian interest. In his view, shared by his wife, the Queen Mother was being deliberately stubborn and unfairly obstinate. Charlotte Louise should be allowed to marry Albert; “After all, love is so rare in these things and to have it as a foundation of their marriage would, I am sure, bring not only happiness to the young couple but would inspire the people who always warm to such fairy tales”.
Returning from Dorset to Windsor, the King and Queen had a week’s respite before carrying out their visits in the capital. It was decided that the royal couple should stay in London until the result of the general election was known ahead of the State Opening of Parliament that would follow. Nobody expected there to be much in the way of change. Lord Melbourne was likely to remain Prime Minister and his Cabinet colleagues did not fear a reshuffle. The revival of the Dirty Campaign by the Unionists had not caught the public imagination in the same way as it had before, yet there was now a new bogeyman in British politics, the Chartists. Lord Winchelsea deliberately referred to them as “radicals”, usually twinning a mention of the group with Lord John Russell whom he still considered to be “the Prime Minister in waiting” and “the most dangerous man in the country”. Yet people seemed to be growing tired of such alarmist rhetoric and some within the Unionist Party had begun to regard Winchelsea as “yesterday’s man”. Not only would the General Election of 1838 determine the future of Sir Robert Peel, but Lord Winchelsea too might also find himself forcibly retired.
On the 2nd of February 1838, the King and Queen gave a small supper party at Buckingham Palace for the Prime Minister ahead of the general election. This was customary at the time, a non-political gesture given to those who had served as Prime Minister regardless of whether they might be returned to office or not. During the election campaign, the audiences held between Lord Melbourne and the Duke of Cambridge would not take place so as to allow the Prime Minister to travel further afield to campaign and so the Cambridges were in attendance to give the impression of a fond farewell to a Prime Minister everybody knew would shortly be returned to office. Cambridge was only too pleased to see another recess. As predicted, giving the royal assent to the Church Temporalities Bill and it’s counterparts had earned a strong rebuke from the Lords Spiritual and the Times newspaper had printed a letter from eight Bishops calling on the House of Lords to demand that the Duke of Cambridge be brought to parliament and asked to defend his decision to “uphold the Whig attack on the established state church”.
Cambridge saw this as nothing more than sour grapes but Lord Winchelsea jumped on the chance to exploit the matter to boost his personal popularity. In his pre-election meetings and appearances, he openly criticised the Duke for not defending the Church of England, something he said was Cambridge’s duty given that as King’s Regent, he had an obligation to uphold the state church. He had stopped short of calling for Cambridge to be removed as Regent, something he possibly wished to keep in his back pocket as an option should his approach prove difficult to defend in public. But Winchelsea knew his audience well and at a meeting on the 30th of January 1838 in London, he called upon “all good Christian men to do what Cambridge would not and defend the Church of England”. Some men took Winchelsea’s words to be a command.
Cambridge House as seen on a 1799 map showing Shepherds Market and Snoads Court.
As the Cambridges dined with the King and Queen at Buckingham Palace, a 48 year old Unionist supporter called Sidney Brownlow had made his way through Shepherds Market and was hiding in the stable yards at Sneads Court. In the marketplace, he had drained oil from a lamppost and was soaking rags with it safely hidden from view as the last shopkeepers and stallholders left their posts and headed to the Cambridge Arms on the corner of Half Moon Street. At around 10.45pm, Brownlow left Snoads Court and climbed over the wall on White Horse Street that closed off the gardens of Cambridge House from the road. Carefully removing a panel of glass in the door of the Music Room which led to the terrace, Brownlow tipped his bundle of rags onto the floor, dousing a sofa with leftover oil for good measure. He then wound a string from the centre of the room through the empty windowpane and onto the terrace which he lit with a match. Within moments, the Music Room was ablaze, and smoke billowed from Cambridge House into the night air.
In the rooms above, the young Cambridge Princesses slept peacefully, their governess dozing in a chair in the nursery, blissfully unaware of the danger tearing through the house just below her feet.
[1] This was not a demand of the OTL People’s Charter but around this time it was a common theme among radicals and as one of the demands (payment for MPs) has already been fulfilled in TTL, I’ve added this to keep the original “Six Demands” of the Chartists.
[2] Actual quote from 1838 from John Bates, Chartist.
[3] Talks to reduce the age of majority for Pedro II were in place as early as 1835.