The Final Phase
The Thirty Years War had, by this time, been going on for two decades. Children had been born and raised who didn't know of a time when Rome had not been in a life or death struggle with Persia. Emperor Romulus had shifted the entire economy of the Empire to a war footing and the great military academies of Belisarius were producing a new grade of soldier. With the devastation of Eastern lands, Romulus promised land in the depopulated regions of the East in payment for service, and recruits flooded into the Army in search of wealth, land and glory.
The economic power of the East had been greatly damaged by the war, but the old Western Empire's economic power had recovered considerably, balancing out the damage. In fact, the Roman economy of the early 600s was stronger than it had been since the 200s. And while Romulus wasn't any sort of tactical genius, he was very adept at rooting out corruption in the bureaucracy and streamlining the government of the Empire. Still, great turmoil was beginning to build.
Since the reign of Diocletian, the Empire had strongly emulated the Eastern forms of monarchy, both in ceremony and idea. The Emperor was the equal of the Apostles, almost quasi-divine, and the ritual forms observed in his presence were immense and abject. The growing hatred of Persia and the influence of Gothic notions of personal freedom had begun to seriously challenge this, however. With the restoration of Rome, the old Senate had begun to demand many of its ancient privileges. Romulus allowed this for a time, and there was a general relaxation of Imperial authority in many areas, especially the administration of the capital itself. It would be a long time before anything like a Republic would be proposed, but the trend of increasing Imperial authority had, essentially, come to an end and wealth began to accumulate at lower levels of the aristocracy. The payment of soldiers with land would accelerate this trend greatly, as smaller land-holders gained a say.
Still, Persia had to be dealt with.
The war would take a very bizarre turn when Tiberius and Wallia finally invaded Persia proper in 600. Peroz, long gaining the hatred of many of his Persian subjects, was assassinated in a public square by one of his own bodyguards. Peroz had come to rely on his Arab mercenaries as bodyguards, distrusting many of the Persian soldiers after the failed revolt of 592, but apparently a Lakhmid had managed to slip into the ranks, slowly move up, and finally gain access to his person. The murder was particularly brutal, the guard having sliced up the old King as much as possible before being subdued and killed by the other guards.
The chaos in Persia can hardly be imagined. The Iranian nobility of Persia was a haughty bunch, and they had grown to hate the King of Kings for daring to promote foreigners so high in the service of the Empire. Many were obsessed with blood purity, and in the end, a backlash against his line rapidly devolved into a civil war. Peroz's children were brutally murdered by Persian contingents, and street-fighting between Arab mercenaries and Persian forces gripped Ctesiphon.
Pretenders to the throne popped up everywhere, even as Tiberius marched almost unopposed into Mesopotamia. In other times, perhaps the Romans would have actually been welcomed as liberators against the tyrannical regime, but the religious dimension of the conflict had become unresolvable by such things. The residents of Mesopotamia had, by and large, been swayed by the teachings of Khalid, and regarded the Romans not only as enemies, but as a manifestation of Evil. In later times, this would be moderated somewhat, but during the war tensions were high. Tiberius had no desire to slaughter the populace, but securing his supply lines became increasingly difficult with such hatred in the area, and his army bled men, necessary to secure his forward march.
It became apparent to him that he could not topple the Sassanid Empire alone. Fortunately for Rome the nobility of old Persia and Bactria had largely been spared the ministrations of Khalid and his firebrand version of Zorastrianism. As the Roman army advanced into Mesopotamia, a leading contender for the throne, Chosroes III, made contact with the Tiberius.
Chosroes III claimed affiliation with the Sassanid dynasty, but in all probability this was a fabrication. It didn't matter, whatever his bloodline, he was at least Persian, and commanded many dehgans. On the other side, one of Peroz's sons, Shapur, had escaped the massacre that has killed his siblings, but he was only 12. Khalid immediately claimed the regency on his behalf. Much of Mesopotamia solidly backed Khalid, and a large portion of Arabia immediately followed suit.
Chaos reigned in the Sassanid Empire, and several provinces began to break away in the north, but far from eliminating the threat to Rome, it quite possibly made the danger even more grave.
By 601, lawless brigands and refugees cluttered the frontiers of the unmanageable borderlands. Tiberius ignored this, trusting the local garrisons to defend the area, but the devastation spread like a plague. Khalid managed to scrape up a solid army, relying on Arabs and Persian converts. Due to Tiberius's need to garrison and secure his foothold in Mesopotamia, it was actually substantially larger than the Roman army. However, the training and organization of this army left much to be desired, and a stalemate ensued.
However, Tiberius managed to keep Khalid and his forces tied to Ctesiphon, and Chosroes III rapidly secured Bactria and much of old Persia. A three-way stalemate was the immediate result. Chosroes had a well trained army of dehgans and conscripts, but it was very small. Still the mountain ranges between him and Khalid made for a formidable obstacle. Most of the government apparatus remained in Khalid's hands, such that remained after the chaos surrounding Peroz's death.
Meanwhile, the new faith, Zurvanism (which we shall use to distinguish between the two varieties) spread rapidly throughout Arabia, in many ways as a backlash to Christian efforts in the area. Zurvanism merged with the earlier variety (of the same name) that predated Khalid, and was regarded as heresy by most Zoroastrians. However, the belief system merged with Khalid's teachings and many of the "heretics" became followers of his variant of the faith. It gave the Arabs a version of the faith that was more exclusive to them, yet still tied to an established community in Mesopotamia. Whether this was divine inspiration or political expediency, we will never know.
Throughout 601, skirmishing between Khalid's forces and the Romans was commonplace, but both sides avoided a critical field battle, fearing what a loss would mean. Manpower had bled out for 20 years, and these armies were, essentially, irreplaceable for either side. However, the increasing unity of much of Arabia behind Khalid must have worried Tiberius, and it definitely worried his Axumite allies, who fought several inconclusive, small-scale battles on the southern tip of Arabia.
Men rotated in and out of action, and more Visigoths joined with the Roman forces, attracted by promises of the wealth of Persia, and with them came a sense of urgency. Something needed to be done, and thought Romulus was quite supportive of his junior colleague, it was obvious to all that even his immense patience was being tried. Tiberius made his move in the fall of 601, unwilling to winter in the field.
Leaving the security of his captured fortresses, he moved deep into Mesopotamia, towards Ctesiphon, even as Chosroes III moved with a smaller army, towards the same objective. The battle would occur near the outskirts of old Babylon, and Tiberius used the ruins with great effect during the course of the battle, anchoring his legions around the wrecked fortifications.
The battle was a long and exceptionally bloody affair, the energy and fanatacism of the new religion urging Khalid's men toward remarkable feats of bravery. Persians fought Persians, dehgan and dehgan. Arab contingents were on both sides, Ghassanid cavalry burning with the need to avenge themselves upon their kindred. The legions anchored the battle, fixated around the ruins, but the action seemed to be dominated by screening elements and cavalry.
The combination of Persian Dehgans under Chosroes and cataphracts under Tiberius finally began to tilt the battle against Khalid. Any normal commander might have ordered a retreat, tried to cover his withdrawl, but not Khalid. He had been divinely protected once, and he would do it again. The general entered the fray himself, with his bodyguards and the entire center of his army. Still, the legendary Three Legions would not break, and the fighting became particularly vicious.
Tiberius was confronted with a decision that would have incredible ramifications for the future. The most experienced veterans in his army, the strongest force he had at his disposal, was under merciless attack. He didn't have the forces to push back the assault, he couldn't withdrawal with the fray having degenerated so terribly and his attempt to flank Khalid's forces had just resulted in a clash of swirling Arab light cavalry on both sides. In a coordinated fight, the Romans were far stronger, but in this sort of melee, the edge went to Khalid.
The Caesar decided to emulate his opponent and charged into the fray...
[[I'm interested to see how you all think this should end
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